1. Ucapan YBM Tengku Razaleigh: Ekonomi Melayu terbenam dibuminya sendiri di Grand Seasons Hotel pada 22 September 2006
Siri 1: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-7674813102354606022
Siri 2: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-7829383483314514921
2. Temubual bersama Malaysia Today berkenaan pelbagai isu
Masadepan Ekonomi Negara:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-5898874638121485694
Naza dan isu AP:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-8825814917273586416
Krisis Minyak:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-6138240174315645448
Nasib Proton:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-6693856379869946399
Nasib 80,000 graduan yang menganggur:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-4508852850200056101
Usaha untuk menjatuhkan ekonomi China:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=695321909275754765
Wednesday, September 26, 2007
Sunday, September 23, 2007
Artikel mengenai Ku Li dan Petronas di Indonesia
Tulisan ini telah dipublikasikan pula diTabloid Mingguan Mentari
Edisi 006/Th I/2 - 8 September 2001
PETRONAS kini lebih dikenal sebagai nama gedung kembar (Twin Tower) pencakar langit di Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Gedung ini termasuk gedung tertinggi didunia. Padahal PETRONAS sesungguhnya bukan lah perusahaan properti, PETRONAS adalah PERTAMINA-nya Malaysia. Kini PETRONAS yang dulu belajar dari PERTAMINA, telah tumbuh menjadi perusahaan raksasa, mereka merambah kemana-mana, ke Kazakstan, Myanmar, ke Afrika dan lain-lain. PETRONAS bahkan telah membangun dua unit gedung pencakar langit yang menjadi kebanggaan rakyat Malaysia itu.
Di Semenanjung, nama PETRONAS tak akan dipisahkan dari Tengku Razaleigh. Tokoh anak Kelantan inilah yang berjasa mendirikan PETRONAS. Saya dari dulu ingin bersua dengan Tengku yang satu ini dan saya beruntung (mimpi kali ye?). Melalui jasa sohib saya Aziz Cemok, saya berhasil menemui "Raja Minyak dari Malaysia" ini di kantornya terkesan anggun di pusat kota Kuala Lumpur belum lama ini. Bayangan saya akan berhadapan dengan seorang tokoh glamour, sebagaimana layaknya orang-orang berkecimpung dalam bisnis perminyakan, serta merta sirna. Saya bertemu dengan seorang tokoh yang sangat kebapakan, akrab dan low profile.
Tokoh ini, 35 tahun yang lalu, ketika masih berumur 28 tahun diberi tugas oleh Tuanku Abdurrahman, Perdana Menteri ketika itu, untuk menyusun konsep pengelolaan minyak bumi di Malaysia. Masalahnya ketika ada operasi "Ganyang Malaysia" di awal tahun enampuluhan, Malaysia memberikan kebebasan kepada Sabah dan Serawak untuk mengelola hasil minyak buminya. Kebijakan ini diambil agar Sabah dan Serawak tetap setia ke Semenanjung Malaysia. Ketika kemudian hubungan Indonesia dan Malaysia kembali normal, ganyang-menggayang usai, pusat kekuasaan di Kuala Lumpur bingung bagaimana sebaiknya pengelolaan minyak di Sabah dan Serawak ini.
The Rising Star, Tengku Razaleigh, mendapat tugas dari Perdana Menteri. Apa yang dilakukannya pertama adalah belajar dari Pertamina. Maka dia pun meondar-mandir Kuala Lumpur-Jakarta untuk menemui Dr Ibnu Soetowo. "Suatu kali saya diajak Pak Ibnu Soetowo dalam kunjungannya ke daerah, saya lupa dimana, saya kagum sekali melihat Pak Ibnu Soetowo disambut seperti raja".
Diilhami oleh Pertamina, Tengku Razaleigh mendirikan PETRONAS. Sistim penambangan minyak diperbaharui. Perusahaan-perusahaan Malaysia harus ikut dalam konsesi minyak yang sebelumnya telah diberikan kepada orang asing. Tengku Razeleigh bercerita bagaimana Amerika sewot, mereka protes, Presiden Gerald Ford bahkan sampai menelepon Perdana Menteri. "Tapi saya tak takut, saya tak bisa diberhentikan Amerika, saya pun tak digaji PETRONAS".
"Saya hanya mengajukan konsep yang sederhana saja, sebelumnya orang Barat diberi konsensi: selama masih ada bulan dan bintang. Mana boleh", kata Tengku. Berbual-bual dengan Tengku Razeleigh, rasanya saya ingin berlama-lama. Lembut penuh keakraban, penuh kehangtan dan penuh kearifan, itulah kesan saya terhadap sosok ini. Dari penampilannya yang bersahaja tidak tampak bahwa dia adalah seorang tokoh penting Malaysia. Majalah Asiaweek edisi November 1999 menyebutkan sebagai "The Leader ini Waiting", pemimpin yang sedang menunggu. Jelas yang dimaksud oleh Asiaweek yang ditunggu Tengku Razaleigh adalah kursi Perdana Menteri.
Siapa Tengku Razaleigh? Walau tidak pernah menepuk dada, dia bukanlah Tengku sembarang Tengku. Tengku ini adalah seorang ahli ekonomi yang dianggap mampu mengimbangi pemikiran Dr Mahathir dalam visi perekonomian Malaysia. Pengalamannya memang mengesankan. Disamping pendiri PETRONAS, Tengku Razeleigh adalah juga pendiri Bank Bumi Putera dan Badan Investasi Negara, PERNAS, bahkan juga pernah menjadi Menteri Keuangan serta Menteri Perdagangan dan Perindustrian Malaysia.
Dengan pembawaannya yang lembut tak terbayangkan oleh bagaimana Tengku Razaleigh bisa menantang Dr Mahathir untuk memperbutkan kursi Presiden UMNO pada tahun 1987, walaupun akhirnya dia "tewas". Namun mencatat, dengan hanya kalah 43 suara dari 1.479, pertarungan itu dianggap paling sengit sepanjang sejarah Malaysia. Kekalahan itu membawa Tengku keluar dari UMNO untuk kemudian mendirikam Partai Semangat '46 dan berkoalisi dengan Partai Islam se Malaysia (PAS) di negerinya Kelantan. Dalam pemilu 1990 Partai Semangat dan PAS menyapu bersih semua kursi Parlemen untuk Kelantan.
Namun ketika Tengku Razaleigh kembali ke UMNO tahun 1996 dia pun diterima karena dianggap sebagai tokoh Melayu yang cerdas memiliki kadar intelektualitas yang tinggi. Tengku Razaleigh adalah tokoh dari Kelantan yang dianggap mampu mengalahkan Tuan Guru Nik Aziz Mat pemimpin PAS di Kelantan yang tidak pernah berhasil ditundukkan oleh Dr. Mahathir.
Menurut pengamat dari Malaysia, apabila Tengku berhasil mengalahkan Cik Gu Nik Aziz di Kelantan maka peluang untuk naik ke pucuk pimpinan UMNO sangatlah besar, apalgi Tengku dianggap sebagai tokoh mempersatukan Melayu di Malaysia setelah retak akibat isu Anwar Ibrahim. Tengku Razaleigh dianggap bersikap netral dalam isu yang paling banyak disorot di Malaysia dalam satu dekade terkahir ii. Oleh karena itu dengan kapasitasnya yang sangat besar Tengku Razaleigh dianggap paling sesuai menggantikan Dr.MahathirMuhammad sebagai Perdana Menteri Malaysia.
Tengku Razaleigh kini memang tidak lagi menjadi teraju PETRONAS. Tapi PETRONAS yang belajar dari PERTAMINA itu telah diasuhnya menjadi anak yang pandai mengali-ngali dan membagi-bagi sehingga mampu memberikan kado istimewa bagi Malaysia dan tentu dicintai rakyatnya.
Tanggal 31 Agustus ini adalah hari Kebangsaan Malaysia, entah kado apalagi yang diberikan oleh PETRONAS kepada negaranya. Tengku Razaleigh, tolong ajarkan kami ilmu mengali dan membagi.
Edisi 006/Th I/2 - 8 September 2001
PETRONAS kini lebih dikenal sebagai nama gedung kembar (Twin Tower) pencakar langit di Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Gedung ini termasuk gedung tertinggi didunia. Padahal PETRONAS sesungguhnya bukan lah perusahaan properti, PETRONAS adalah PERTAMINA-nya Malaysia. Kini PETRONAS yang dulu belajar dari PERTAMINA, telah tumbuh menjadi perusahaan raksasa, mereka merambah kemana-mana, ke Kazakstan, Myanmar, ke Afrika dan lain-lain. PETRONAS bahkan telah membangun dua unit gedung pencakar langit yang menjadi kebanggaan rakyat Malaysia itu.
Di Semenanjung, nama PETRONAS tak akan dipisahkan dari Tengku Razaleigh. Tokoh anak Kelantan inilah yang berjasa mendirikan PETRONAS. Saya dari dulu ingin bersua dengan Tengku yang satu ini dan saya beruntung (mimpi kali ye?). Melalui jasa sohib saya Aziz Cemok, saya berhasil menemui "Raja Minyak dari Malaysia" ini di kantornya terkesan anggun di pusat kota Kuala Lumpur belum lama ini. Bayangan saya akan berhadapan dengan seorang tokoh glamour, sebagaimana layaknya orang-orang berkecimpung dalam bisnis perminyakan, serta merta sirna. Saya bertemu dengan seorang tokoh yang sangat kebapakan, akrab dan low profile.
Tokoh ini, 35 tahun yang lalu, ketika masih berumur 28 tahun diberi tugas oleh Tuanku Abdurrahman, Perdana Menteri ketika itu, untuk menyusun konsep pengelolaan minyak bumi di Malaysia. Masalahnya ketika ada operasi "Ganyang Malaysia" di awal tahun enampuluhan, Malaysia memberikan kebebasan kepada Sabah dan Serawak untuk mengelola hasil minyak buminya. Kebijakan ini diambil agar Sabah dan Serawak tetap setia ke Semenanjung Malaysia. Ketika kemudian hubungan Indonesia dan Malaysia kembali normal, ganyang-menggayang usai, pusat kekuasaan di Kuala Lumpur bingung bagaimana sebaiknya pengelolaan minyak di Sabah dan Serawak ini.
The Rising Star, Tengku Razaleigh, mendapat tugas dari Perdana Menteri. Apa yang dilakukannya pertama adalah belajar dari Pertamina. Maka dia pun meondar-mandir Kuala Lumpur-Jakarta untuk menemui Dr Ibnu Soetowo. "Suatu kali saya diajak Pak Ibnu Soetowo dalam kunjungannya ke daerah, saya lupa dimana, saya kagum sekali melihat Pak Ibnu Soetowo disambut seperti raja".
Diilhami oleh Pertamina, Tengku Razaleigh mendirikan PETRONAS. Sistim penambangan minyak diperbaharui. Perusahaan-perusahaan Malaysia harus ikut dalam konsesi minyak yang sebelumnya telah diberikan kepada orang asing. Tengku Razeleigh bercerita bagaimana Amerika sewot, mereka protes, Presiden Gerald Ford bahkan sampai menelepon Perdana Menteri. "Tapi saya tak takut, saya tak bisa diberhentikan Amerika, saya pun tak digaji PETRONAS".
"Saya hanya mengajukan konsep yang sederhana saja, sebelumnya orang Barat diberi konsensi: selama masih ada bulan dan bintang. Mana boleh", kata Tengku. Berbual-bual dengan Tengku Razeleigh, rasanya saya ingin berlama-lama. Lembut penuh keakraban, penuh kehangtan dan penuh kearifan, itulah kesan saya terhadap sosok ini. Dari penampilannya yang bersahaja tidak tampak bahwa dia adalah seorang tokoh penting Malaysia. Majalah Asiaweek edisi November 1999 menyebutkan sebagai "The Leader ini Waiting", pemimpin yang sedang menunggu. Jelas yang dimaksud oleh Asiaweek yang ditunggu Tengku Razaleigh adalah kursi Perdana Menteri.
Siapa Tengku Razaleigh? Walau tidak pernah menepuk dada, dia bukanlah Tengku sembarang Tengku. Tengku ini adalah seorang ahli ekonomi yang dianggap mampu mengimbangi pemikiran Dr Mahathir dalam visi perekonomian Malaysia. Pengalamannya memang mengesankan. Disamping pendiri PETRONAS, Tengku Razeleigh adalah juga pendiri Bank Bumi Putera dan Badan Investasi Negara, PERNAS, bahkan juga pernah menjadi Menteri Keuangan serta Menteri Perdagangan dan Perindustrian Malaysia.
Dengan pembawaannya yang lembut tak terbayangkan oleh bagaimana Tengku Razaleigh bisa menantang Dr Mahathir untuk memperbutkan kursi Presiden UMNO pada tahun 1987, walaupun akhirnya dia "tewas". Namun mencatat, dengan hanya kalah 43 suara dari 1.479, pertarungan itu dianggap paling sengit sepanjang sejarah Malaysia. Kekalahan itu membawa Tengku keluar dari UMNO untuk kemudian mendirikam Partai Semangat '46 dan berkoalisi dengan Partai Islam se Malaysia (PAS) di negerinya Kelantan. Dalam pemilu 1990 Partai Semangat dan PAS menyapu bersih semua kursi Parlemen untuk Kelantan.
Namun ketika Tengku Razaleigh kembali ke UMNO tahun 1996 dia pun diterima karena dianggap sebagai tokoh Melayu yang cerdas memiliki kadar intelektualitas yang tinggi. Tengku Razaleigh adalah tokoh dari Kelantan yang dianggap mampu mengalahkan Tuan Guru Nik Aziz Mat pemimpin PAS di Kelantan yang tidak pernah berhasil ditundukkan oleh Dr. Mahathir.
Menurut pengamat dari Malaysia, apabila Tengku berhasil mengalahkan Cik Gu Nik Aziz di Kelantan maka peluang untuk naik ke pucuk pimpinan UMNO sangatlah besar, apalgi Tengku dianggap sebagai tokoh mempersatukan Melayu di Malaysia setelah retak akibat isu Anwar Ibrahim. Tengku Razaleigh dianggap bersikap netral dalam isu yang paling banyak disorot di Malaysia dalam satu dekade terkahir ii. Oleh karena itu dengan kapasitasnya yang sangat besar Tengku Razaleigh dianggap paling sesuai menggantikan Dr.MahathirMuhammad sebagai Perdana Menteri Malaysia.
Tengku Razaleigh kini memang tidak lagi menjadi teraju PETRONAS. Tapi PETRONAS yang belajar dari PERTAMINA itu telah diasuhnya menjadi anak yang pandai mengali-ngali dan membagi-bagi sehingga mampu memberikan kado istimewa bagi Malaysia dan tentu dicintai rakyatnya.
Tanggal 31 Agustus ini adalah hari Kebangsaan Malaysia, entah kado apalagi yang diberikan oleh PETRONAS kepada negaranya. Tengku Razaleigh, tolong ajarkan kami ilmu mengali dan membagi.
Wawancara bersama Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (WTV8)
Link untuk petikan wawancara WTV8 bersama YBM Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. Wawancara ini diletakkan kembali di web WTV8 di atas permintaan ramai. Wawancara ini terdiri daripada beberapa siri. Link ini adalah utk siri pertama. Sekian . Terima Kasih
Catatan Di Majlis Berbuka Puasa Tengku Razaleigh
Catatan Di Majlis Berbuka Puasa Rumah Tengku Razaleigh - MSO
SUDAH menjadi amalan kebajikan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah di sepanjang bulan puasa beliau akan mengundang rakan-rakan dan sahabat handainya berbuka puasa dan bertarawih di rumahnya. Panggilan itu dibuat ke atas rakan dan sahabatnya dari berbagai bidang dan profesyen, dekat dan jauh.Ianya dipanggil mengkut giliran semacam sudah ada jadual khusus mengenai undangan ini pada setiap tahun. Suatu perkara yang diperhatikan setiap kali Ramdan ada-ada saja sahabat ataupun rakan baru Tengku Razaleigh. Ini membuktikan bahawa beliau seorang yang ramai kawan dan suka menjalani hubungan silaturahim dengan sesiapa saja yang sudi.
Mereka yang jauh di Pulau Pinang, Johor atau Terengganu juga tidak pernah mis hadir, walaupun sekadar untuk berbuka dan bertarawih dengannya.Paling merujakan, ada yang dulu menghentam atau mengkritik pendekatan dan gaya politiknya, namun hari ini datang bersimpuh bersamanya seperti qari menghadap hafiz. Memanglah kebenaran dan keadilan itu selalunya lambat menjelma! Seolah-olah mereka mengambil kesempatan Ramdan yang mulia untuk berbai'ah semula dengan Tengku Razaleigh.Melihat suasana ini menandakan kerendahan hati budi kerabat di-Raja Kelantan itu.
Orang suka dengannya kerana beliau tidak memilih rupa dan bulu dalam berkawan. Beliau bukan sahaja berkawan dengan golongan ningrat, tetapi dengan orang tidak ada kerja juga termasuklah pencacai politik kelas kaki lima, atau kelas RM50. Semuanya digauli tanpa ada batas ataupun protokol.Mereka yang diundang dan hadir berbuka puasa dan bertarawih di rumahnya tergolong dari semua jenis dan kelas manusia. Dari kerabat, hinggalah rakan politik, ekonomi, budaya dan para penulis.
Terbaru para bloggers yang berminat untuk mengkaji pemikiran ekonomi dan politik bekas Menteri Kewangan itu juga hadir.Majlisnya tetap meriah meskipun beliau bukan seorang menteri atau bekas Timbalan Perdana Menteri. (Tidak dapat saya bayangkan bagaimana majlis-majlis seumpama itu ketika beliau menjawat jawatan menteri atau sewaktu ada kuasa dulu) Apa yang menyenangkan orang, setiap tetamunya disambut sama rata tanpa mengira kelas dan juga status seseorang.
Kalau beliau bersalam dengan bekas eksekutif syarikat GLC dan bertanya khabar, begitu juga bila beliau bersalam dengan penyokong setia kalangan marhean akan diaju soalan yang sama; lama tak jumpa, you sihat ke? Inilah keistimewaan Tengku Razaleigh. Beliau tidak seperti setengah orang politik, baru jadi Exco belum habis sepanggal tetapi sombongnya melebihi artis kampungan.
Sesiapa yang mengenali dan pernah bercakap dengannya akan merasai ketinggian budi dan kerendahan dirinya.Untuk puasa tahun ini penulis / blogers nampaknya diistimewakan. Belum habis minggu pertama sudah diundang untuk berbuka dengannya. Saya tidak berkesempatan kerana terpaksa ke Kota Bharu untuk mengikuti satu perbicaraan di Mahkamah Tinggi Kota Bharu berhubung petikaian dua pihak tentang binatang berjanggut.Hari ini manusia bergaduh bukan saja fasal balak, tanah dan sungai, tetapi fasal binatang berjanggut juga bergaduh macam nak rak - sampai tuduh menuduh tipu dan sebagainya.
Satu pihak tetap berdegil macam tenggling mampus, dan satu pihak lain yang beriya-iya mahu menyelesaikan masalah itu kerana kesiankan kepada bintang berjanggut berkenaan.Malam tadi satu lagi majlis berbuka puasa diadakan oleh Tengku Razaleigh. Para jemputan kali ini ialah rakan-rakannya di kalangan bekas pegawai tinggi kerajaan dan juga bekas-bekas pemimpin politik.
Kehadirannya mengalahkan jemputan para menteri. Nampak sekali kemeriahan majlis malam tadi. Kehadiran rakan politiknya baik dalam Umno ataupun bekas pemimpin Semangat 46 tidak mengejutkan. Tetapi kehadiran bekas-bekas pengawai kerajaan dan juga CEO dalam syarikat GLC memeranjatkan kerana di majlis berbuka puasa anjuran menteri atau bekas timbalan perdana menteri pun mereka tidak pernah kelihatan!
Keadaan ini ditambah pula dengan hadiran beberapa orang penulis dan penganalisa politik yang selama bertahun-tahun tidak berani mendekati Tengku Razaleigh kerana mereka begitu kasih dan taksub kepada pemimpin yang dilihat berlawan dengan Tengku Razaleigh ketika itu.
Kemeriahan ini semacam ada perkembangan dan semangat baru yang sedang berlaku di sekitar Tengku Razaleigh.Kurang dipasti pula, apakah kalau Dr Mahathir Mohamad tidak berada di IJN pada masa ini beliau juga akan turut hadir sama atau tidak malam tadi. Ini kerana Setiausaha Akhbar Dr Mahathir, Saufi Yusuf turut hadir siap dengan songkok tinggi dan tersenyum sepanjang masa, rancak menceritakan mengenai perkembangan kesihatan bekas PM itu.Seperkara yang menyerlah pada majlis-majalis Tengku Razaleigh akhir-akhir ini ialah kehadiran dan komitmen para sasaterawan dan budayawa negara.
Mereka satu demi satu hadir ke sisi Tengku Razaleigh bagaikan si camar tumpang berteduh di hari hujan.Mereka yang seolah sudah hilang tempat bergantung bagi mengadukan remuk radam hatinya terhadap pengkhianatan dan ketidakpekaan dan kepedulian Kerajaan ke atas Bahasa Melayu dan juga ke atas hak-hak keistimewaan Melayu.
Walupun mereka tahu, dalam keadaan hari ini Tengku Razaliegh tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa hanya boleh bercakap dan berbicara seperti mereka, namun kehadiran mereka seakan membawa harapan supaya Tengku Razaleigh menjadi jurubicara dan penterjemah hasrat murni mereka untuk bangsa dan negara.
Malam tadi kelihatan tokoh-tokoh budayawan dan bahasa seperti Hassan Ahmad, Tengku Alaiuddin, Awang Sariyan serta beberapa orang kerabat Gapena yang mewakili Prof Ismail Hussein. Mereka semua nampak serasi dengan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.Mungkin golongan intelektual ini sudah membaca dan mempunyai pengalaman bahawa pemimpin lain yang mereka harapkan medaulatkan bahasa dan bangsa menghampa dan mengecewakan. Dan mereka melihat bahawa satu-satunya pemimpin era Tun Razak yang masih utuh menjaga dan rajin berbicara mengenai Melayu ialah Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.
Tidak terlupa juga turut hadir sama malam tadi ialah beberapa orang yang sebelum ini dikenali sahabat dan pendokong bekas TPM Anwar Ibrahim. Sejak akhir-akhir ini mereka ini sering kelihatan di majlis-majlis Tengku Razaleigh. Apakah kehadiran mereka kerana kesunyian ataupun bertujuan ingin menghubungkan talisilaturahim antara Tengku RAzaleigh dengan Anwar!Apapun tip yang paling baik semalam ialah mengenai pilihan raya.
Menurut Pengerusi SPR Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman yang turut juga hadir menjelaskan bahawa pilihan raya tidak akan diadakan dalam tempoh terdekat. "Malam ini sah pilhan raya tidak akan diadakan!" katanya sambil berseloroh menjawab pertanyaan saya. "Jadi bila..?" tanya saya, Rashid terus ketawa terkekeh-kekeh sambil berjalan dan menggelengkan kepala!
SUDAH menjadi amalan kebajikan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah di sepanjang bulan puasa beliau akan mengundang rakan-rakan dan sahabat handainya berbuka puasa dan bertarawih di rumahnya. Panggilan itu dibuat ke atas rakan dan sahabatnya dari berbagai bidang dan profesyen, dekat dan jauh.Ianya dipanggil mengkut giliran semacam sudah ada jadual khusus mengenai undangan ini pada setiap tahun. Suatu perkara yang diperhatikan setiap kali Ramdan ada-ada saja sahabat ataupun rakan baru Tengku Razaleigh. Ini membuktikan bahawa beliau seorang yang ramai kawan dan suka menjalani hubungan silaturahim dengan sesiapa saja yang sudi.
Mereka yang jauh di Pulau Pinang, Johor atau Terengganu juga tidak pernah mis hadir, walaupun sekadar untuk berbuka dan bertarawih dengannya.Paling merujakan, ada yang dulu menghentam atau mengkritik pendekatan dan gaya politiknya, namun hari ini datang bersimpuh bersamanya seperti qari menghadap hafiz. Memanglah kebenaran dan keadilan itu selalunya lambat menjelma! Seolah-olah mereka mengambil kesempatan Ramdan yang mulia untuk berbai'ah semula dengan Tengku Razaleigh.Melihat suasana ini menandakan kerendahan hati budi kerabat di-Raja Kelantan itu.
Orang suka dengannya kerana beliau tidak memilih rupa dan bulu dalam berkawan. Beliau bukan sahaja berkawan dengan golongan ningrat, tetapi dengan orang tidak ada kerja juga termasuklah pencacai politik kelas kaki lima, atau kelas RM50. Semuanya digauli tanpa ada batas ataupun protokol.Mereka yang diundang dan hadir berbuka puasa dan bertarawih di rumahnya tergolong dari semua jenis dan kelas manusia. Dari kerabat, hinggalah rakan politik, ekonomi, budaya dan para penulis.
Terbaru para bloggers yang berminat untuk mengkaji pemikiran ekonomi dan politik bekas Menteri Kewangan itu juga hadir.Majlisnya tetap meriah meskipun beliau bukan seorang menteri atau bekas Timbalan Perdana Menteri. (Tidak dapat saya bayangkan bagaimana majlis-majlis seumpama itu ketika beliau menjawat jawatan menteri atau sewaktu ada kuasa dulu) Apa yang menyenangkan orang, setiap tetamunya disambut sama rata tanpa mengira kelas dan juga status seseorang.
Kalau beliau bersalam dengan bekas eksekutif syarikat GLC dan bertanya khabar, begitu juga bila beliau bersalam dengan penyokong setia kalangan marhean akan diaju soalan yang sama; lama tak jumpa, you sihat ke? Inilah keistimewaan Tengku Razaleigh. Beliau tidak seperti setengah orang politik, baru jadi Exco belum habis sepanggal tetapi sombongnya melebihi artis kampungan.
Sesiapa yang mengenali dan pernah bercakap dengannya akan merasai ketinggian budi dan kerendahan dirinya.Untuk puasa tahun ini penulis / blogers nampaknya diistimewakan. Belum habis minggu pertama sudah diundang untuk berbuka dengannya. Saya tidak berkesempatan kerana terpaksa ke Kota Bharu untuk mengikuti satu perbicaraan di Mahkamah Tinggi Kota Bharu berhubung petikaian dua pihak tentang binatang berjanggut.Hari ini manusia bergaduh bukan saja fasal balak, tanah dan sungai, tetapi fasal binatang berjanggut juga bergaduh macam nak rak - sampai tuduh menuduh tipu dan sebagainya.
Satu pihak tetap berdegil macam tenggling mampus, dan satu pihak lain yang beriya-iya mahu menyelesaikan masalah itu kerana kesiankan kepada bintang berjanggut berkenaan.Malam tadi satu lagi majlis berbuka puasa diadakan oleh Tengku Razaleigh. Para jemputan kali ini ialah rakan-rakannya di kalangan bekas pegawai tinggi kerajaan dan juga bekas-bekas pemimpin politik.
Kehadirannya mengalahkan jemputan para menteri. Nampak sekali kemeriahan majlis malam tadi. Kehadiran rakan politiknya baik dalam Umno ataupun bekas pemimpin Semangat 46 tidak mengejutkan. Tetapi kehadiran bekas-bekas pengawai kerajaan dan juga CEO dalam syarikat GLC memeranjatkan kerana di majlis berbuka puasa anjuran menteri atau bekas timbalan perdana menteri pun mereka tidak pernah kelihatan!
Keadaan ini ditambah pula dengan hadiran beberapa orang penulis dan penganalisa politik yang selama bertahun-tahun tidak berani mendekati Tengku Razaleigh kerana mereka begitu kasih dan taksub kepada pemimpin yang dilihat berlawan dengan Tengku Razaleigh ketika itu.
Kemeriahan ini semacam ada perkembangan dan semangat baru yang sedang berlaku di sekitar Tengku Razaleigh.Kurang dipasti pula, apakah kalau Dr Mahathir Mohamad tidak berada di IJN pada masa ini beliau juga akan turut hadir sama atau tidak malam tadi. Ini kerana Setiausaha Akhbar Dr Mahathir, Saufi Yusuf turut hadir siap dengan songkok tinggi dan tersenyum sepanjang masa, rancak menceritakan mengenai perkembangan kesihatan bekas PM itu.Seperkara yang menyerlah pada majlis-majalis Tengku Razaleigh akhir-akhir ini ialah kehadiran dan komitmen para sasaterawan dan budayawa negara.
Mereka satu demi satu hadir ke sisi Tengku Razaleigh bagaikan si camar tumpang berteduh di hari hujan.Mereka yang seolah sudah hilang tempat bergantung bagi mengadukan remuk radam hatinya terhadap pengkhianatan dan ketidakpekaan dan kepedulian Kerajaan ke atas Bahasa Melayu dan juga ke atas hak-hak keistimewaan Melayu.
Walupun mereka tahu, dalam keadaan hari ini Tengku Razaliegh tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa hanya boleh bercakap dan berbicara seperti mereka, namun kehadiran mereka seakan membawa harapan supaya Tengku Razaleigh menjadi jurubicara dan penterjemah hasrat murni mereka untuk bangsa dan negara.
Malam tadi kelihatan tokoh-tokoh budayawan dan bahasa seperti Hassan Ahmad, Tengku Alaiuddin, Awang Sariyan serta beberapa orang kerabat Gapena yang mewakili Prof Ismail Hussein. Mereka semua nampak serasi dengan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.Mungkin golongan intelektual ini sudah membaca dan mempunyai pengalaman bahawa pemimpin lain yang mereka harapkan medaulatkan bahasa dan bangsa menghampa dan mengecewakan. Dan mereka melihat bahawa satu-satunya pemimpin era Tun Razak yang masih utuh menjaga dan rajin berbicara mengenai Melayu ialah Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.
Tidak terlupa juga turut hadir sama malam tadi ialah beberapa orang yang sebelum ini dikenali sahabat dan pendokong bekas TPM Anwar Ibrahim. Sejak akhir-akhir ini mereka ini sering kelihatan di majlis-majlis Tengku Razaleigh. Apakah kehadiran mereka kerana kesunyian ataupun bertujuan ingin menghubungkan talisilaturahim antara Tengku RAzaleigh dengan Anwar!Apapun tip yang paling baik semalam ialah mengenai pilihan raya.
Menurut Pengerusi SPR Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman yang turut juga hadir menjelaskan bahawa pilihan raya tidak akan diadakan dalam tempoh terdekat. "Malam ini sah pilhan raya tidak akan diadakan!" katanya sambil berseloroh menjawab pertanyaan saya. "Jadi bila..?" tanya saya, Rashid terus ketawa terkekeh-kekeh sambil berjalan dan menggelengkan kepala!
Sunday, September 16, 2007
Muncul Sesudah Gerhana? Siri ke2
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah: Muncul Sesudah Gerhana?[Siri Kedua] oleh Kuda kepang June 12, 07
Posting saya dalam blog ini semalam, bertajuk Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah Muncul Sesudah Gerhana?, adalah suatu cetusan hati saya sendiri. Cetusan itu meledak secara spontan daripada jiwa saya yang terusik selepas saya menganalisa beberapa maklumat sensitif, spesifik, explosif, dan kontroversial yang saya terima sepanjang minggu lalu.Sehingga hari ini saya masih lagi menilai, meneliti, menjalankan siasatan lanjutan serta menganalisa seluruh maklumat berkenaan.
Proses ini saya lakukan untuk memperincikan apakah implikasinya kalau saya hamburkan seluruh maklumat itu ke intrnet secara total. Proses ini juga saya lakukan untuk membantu saya membuat keputusan sama ada saya akan mengongsikan info berkenaan dengan seluruh masyarakat internet Malaysia atau pun biarkan sahaja maklumat-maklumat itu reput ditelan kerahsiaan.Lantaran itulah saya berusaha mendapatkan maklum balas menerusi saluran internet untuk mengukur kesediaan anda menerima maklumat-maklumat seperti di atas. Sebab itulah saya mencari jalan mengukur kebijaksanaan anda menilai dan menterjemah mesej yang tersirat di sebalik yang tersurat.
Antara intisari posting saya semalam adalah: Mengapakah sewaktu menghadapi kecelaruan, saya memetik caption Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh? Adakah kerana saya tertawan dengan kata-kata Pak Ya bahawa Tengku Razaleigh “mempunyai pengaruh, dihormati rakyat dan seorang tokoh politik yang berpengalaman, berwibawa dan boleh menjadi bakal PM.”? Atau, adakah kerana Pak Ya mengatakan bahawa “kalau Tun Mahathir dan Ku Li berkerjasama, besar kemungkinan scenario politik UMNO dan negara akan berubah tidak lama lagi.”?Mungkinkah saya memetik kata-kata Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh kerana naluri saya didorong oleh satu persepsi bahawa Tengku Razaleigh memang tokoh terbaik untuk mengembalikan semula cahaya ria yang akan ditenggelamkan oleh gerhana yang mungkin tiba? Mungkinkah kini sampai giliran Tengku Razaleigh untuk mewarnakan semula landskap siasah Malaysia selepas gerhana muncul di tanahair tercinta ini tidak lama lagi?
Dan, antara sedutan reaksi kepada posting saya semalam, yang dikirimkan ke blog ini dan menerusi laman berita Malaysia Today, adalah seperti berikut:
Hamizi: Perlu diakui, tiada tokoh yang layak dalam BN untuk mengambil alih kepimpinan negara. Saya harap Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad akan membantu Ku Li untuk menjadi PM. Beliau harus menebus kesilapan menamakan Pak Lah sebagai penggantinya.
Cakapsiang: Selagi politik menjaga periuk nasi berleluasa dalam diri orang Melayu, selagi itulah bangsa Melayu tidak berani berfikiran dan bertindak rasional. Ku Li dan Dr M tidak akan berjaya mempengaruhi majoriti dalam UMNO kerana mereka berdua bukan lagi 'penjaga periok dan nasi'. Kita boleh berfantasi dan berilusi, namun realiti tetap PERIUK NASI!
Dzulman: Apa yang sedang berlaku di kalangan masyarakat Melayu, khususnya dalam UMNO, adalah satu cabaran besar oleh Allah SWT. Saya tak salahkan UMNO sebuah parti politik yang punyai tujuan murni. Tetapi, sayangnya ramai dari orang kuat-kuat hanya mementingkan perut sendiri.Saya ingat masa TDM jadi PM dia jarang mengabaikan surat-surat dari rakyat.
Kita hantar kad raya pun dia jawab walau pun kita tahu itu kerja pembantunya. Sekarang lain cerita.Apa jua perubahan mesti di lakukan oleh UMNO dari dalam. Dengan keadaan sekarang nampaknya rakyat Melayu terpaksa tunggu kerana tak mungkin ada yang berani membuat sesuatu yang boleh menggemparkan.Kami turut merasa terganggu dengan apa yang sedang dan akan berlaku. Berdoalah kita kepada Allah SWT semoga keadaan jadi baik.A Voice (blogger):
Petikan dari posting saya, Filem dan Mentera: Seniman Agong dan Pelakun Palsu. ....Adakah antara mereka tahu menyesal seperti Aduka? Sanggupkah bertaubat dan merelakan hukuman? Pelbagai persoalan timbul dalam fikiran dan jiwa ku.Borek dengan kuncu-kuncunya sudah menghuru-harakan negara.
Kita bertelagah perkara remeh hingga lupa dan lalai ancaman yang sudah menjelma. Musuh sudah di dalam pagar!Tanahair dilanggar "todak"! Dimanakah kau "Hang Nadim"? Sanggupkah anak muda ke hadapan, walaupun kamu mungkin terkorban atas pengorbananmu?Keluarlah "Mat Kilau" dari sembunyian! Berani lagikah "Tok Janggut", walaupun berakhir di tali gantung? "Si Bongkok", jangan semangat mu hanya ingatan dalam "tajuk"!
Renegix: Datuk, apa sebenarnya gerhana tu? Buatkan saya juga gundah gulana. Jika tidak keberatan, sila beritahu saya.
Harry: Gerhana dalam apa bentuk pun tidak akan berlaku di negara ini, andaikata PAS atau parti pembangkang tidak membuat "kerja rumah" mengenai dasar politik mereka.
Silhoute: Masa Ku Li sudah terlepas… Gerhana telah lama melanda Malaysia dan Malaysia akan terus dilanda gerhana selagi pemimpinnya tidak insaf dan mementingkan kekayaan semata-mata.
Zed: Change is good and badly needed in this country. I for one will support Tengku Razaleigh should he decide to contest for the top post.
Geligeleman: You mengharapkan Ku Li melakukan sesuatu untuk menyaingi Pak Lah. Kenapa? UMNO kurang/tak mempunyai sebuah institutsi pewaris kepimpinan yg benar-benar jitu? Apa kekuatan yang ada pada Ku Li? UMNO sendiri tidak mahu mengubah gaya pemikiran dan tanggapan terhadap waris kepimpinan mereka. UMNO sendiri pun kelabu dengan arah tuju mereka.
MM2007: Gerhana itu adalah kejadian alam ikut design Tuhan atau sunnatullah. Jangan kita takut gerhana.
Nasigoreng: Ku Li satu-satunya 'PM material' tetapi takdir Allah mengatasi kehendak manusia. Ku Li sepatutnya jadi PM sekarang jika Mahathir berfikiran lebih waras dalam menentukan pengganti. Keberanian Ku Li mencabar Mahathir dalam tahun 1987 sudah cukup bukti bahwa selepas Mahathir, Ku Li mengambil alih pemerintahan negara ini. Apa boleh buat, orang Melayu sungguh malang, Begitu juga rakyat Malaysia seluruhnya. Ku Li seorang yang cerdas dan dinamis. Sangat meyakinkan bila berucap, orang tidak mengantuk. Beliau tidak pernah tertangkap tertidur dalam mesyuarat. Alahai, nasi sudah menjadi bubur basi.
Begitulah reaksi kepada cetusan hati saya semalam. Reaksi itu diberikan walaupun gerhana sebenarnya masih belum tiba. Bagi pihak yang ingin mengetahui apakah gerhana itu sebenarnya, ikutilah blog ini dari sehari ke sehari berikutnya.Saya katakan begitu kerana hari ini saya sudah dapat bayang-bayang tentang gerhana berkenaan. Ada beberapa “ahli falak” yang mahu mengetahui ramalan gerhana ini dengan lebih lanjut telah menghubungi saya hari ini.
Mereka bertanya di mana saya dapat info pasal gerhana berkenaan. Saya katakan kepada mereka, gerhana hanyalah perkataan yang saya pilih untuk menggambarkan apa yang mungkin berlaku. Mereka bertanya kepada saya, apa pasal saya agak akan ada gerhana? Saya jawab, saya ramalkan satu gerhana mungkin berlaku berasaskan seluruh maklumat yang saya terima sejak seminggu yang lalu. “Ahli-ahli falak” tersebut mendesak saya menyenaraikan maklumat-maklumat berkenaan.
Saya jawab dengan ringkas, tunggu dulu, saya sedang siasat dan siasat secara rapi dan terperinci. Dan, kalau nak tau intisarinya, ikutilah blog saya dari semasa ke semasa.Demi kesetiaan anda melayari blog ini dan membaca posting saya di Malaysia Today, dengan ini saya senaraikan bahawa antara topik utama kepada maklumat yang sedang saya kaji, siasat dan analisa pada ketika ini adalah seperti berikut:
Benarkah dakwaan kononnya kepimpinan tertinggi Malaysia kini sedang dimanipulasikan oleh sebuah negara jiran menerusi pendekatan ekonomi dan perdagangan yang dibiayai oleh anasir zionis dan neo-imperialis?Benarkah dakwaan kononnya ada satu entiti korporat asing akan berperanan besar dalam menentukan tarikh dan senarai calon PRU ke-12?
Benarkah dakwaan kononnya pembesar negara baru sahaja menerima nasihat daripada entiti korporat ini supaya PRU ke-12 diadakan dalam tempoh terdekat, mungkin minggu kedua Ogos 2007?Benarkah dakwaan kononnya entiti korporat yang sama juga akan mencurah wang beratus juta ringgit dalam PRU-12 akan datang ini?
Benarkah dakwaan kononnya Timbalan Perdana Menteri akan disingkir dan dipinggirkan menerusi beberapa pendekatan politik dan lain-lainnya tidak lama lagi?Benarkan dakwaan kononnya beberapa individu sangat berpengaruh dan sangat berkuasa kini terlibat dalam amalan seks sejenis sesama mereka?
Apakah aktiviti meragukan yang kononnya telah dan sedang terjadi di sebuah rumah di sekitar kejiranan Istana Negara, Kuala Lumpur, kebelakangan ini?Intisari di atas saya kemukakan dalam bentuk soalan.
Kepada pasukan petugas UMNO Malaysia yang baru sahaja mengeluarkan satu analisa mengenai bloggers politik Malaysia baru-baru ini, saya harap analisalah intisari di atas secara cermat dan terperinci.Pada waktu yang sama, saya juga harap pasukan pemantau ini bertanya kepada individu-individu di Aras Empat, apakah yang telah terjadi di pejabat berkenaan, pada suatu malam, tiga atau empat hari yang lalu?
Benarkah pejabat itu pun bocor? Bukan bocor atap, bocor siling atau pun bocor paip. Tapi, bocor keselamatannya?Setelah saya berikan serba sedikit intisari kepada maklumat yang sedang saya siasat dan terus siasat ini, apakah pendapat anda kalau info ini diletupkan ke tengah-tengah khalayak ramai, oleh pihak yang mengetahuinya, tidak lama lagi?
Gerhana akan terjadi? Kalau terjadi gerhana, mungkinkah pembesar-pembesar terbabit akan mempunyai kekuatan moral untuk terus memberikan semula sinar perjuangan kepada rakyat dan negara tercinta ini? Kalau tidak, di manakah relevannya Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah dalam keadaan sebegini? – Ruhanie Ahmad
Posting saya dalam blog ini semalam, bertajuk Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah Muncul Sesudah Gerhana?, adalah suatu cetusan hati saya sendiri. Cetusan itu meledak secara spontan daripada jiwa saya yang terusik selepas saya menganalisa beberapa maklumat sensitif, spesifik, explosif, dan kontroversial yang saya terima sepanjang minggu lalu.Sehingga hari ini saya masih lagi menilai, meneliti, menjalankan siasatan lanjutan serta menganalisa seluruh maklumat berkenaan.
Proses ini saya lakukan untuk memperincikan apakah implikasinya kalau saya hamburkan seluruh maklumat itu ke intrnet secara total. Proses ini juga saya lakukan untuk membantu saya membuat keputusan sama ada saya akan mengongsikan info berkenaan dengan seluruh masyarakat internet Malaysia atau pun biarkan sahaja maklumat-maklumat itu reput ditelan kerahsiaan.Lantaran itulah saya berusaha mendapatkan maklum balas menerusi saluran internet untuk mengukur kesediaan anda menerima maklumat-maklumat seperti di atas. Sebab itulah saya mencari jalan mengukur kebijaksanaan anda menilai dan menterjemah mesej yang tersirat di sebalik yang tersurat.
Antara intisari posting saya semalam adalah: Mengapakah sewaktu menghadapi kecelaruan, saya memetik caption Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh? Adakah kerana saya tertawan dengan kata-kata Pak Ya bahawa Tengku Razaleigh “mempunyai pengaruh, dihormati rakyat dan seorang tokoh politik yang berpengalaman, berwibawa dan boleh menjadi bakal PM.”? Atau, adakah kerana Pak Ya mengatakan bahawa “kalau Tun Mahathir dan Ku Li berkerjasama, besar kemungkinan scenario politik UMNO dan negara akan berubah tidak lama lagi.”?Mungkinkah saya memetik kata-kata Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh kerana naluri saya didorong oleh satu persepsi bahawa Tengku Razaleigh memang tokoh terbaik untuk mengembalikan semula cahaya ria yang akan ditenggelamkan oleh gerhana yang mungkin tiba? Mungkinkah kini sampai giliran Tengku Razaleigh untuk mewarnakan semula landskap siasah Malaysia selepas gerhana muncul di tanahair tercinta ini tidak lama lagi?
Dan, antara sedutan reaksi kepada posting saya semalam, yang dikirimkan ke blog ini dan menerusi laman berita Malaysia Today, adalah seperti berikut:
Hamizi: Perlu diakui, tiada tokoh yang layak dalam BN untuk mengambil alih kepimpinan negara. Saya harap Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad akan membantu Ku Li untuk menjadi PM. Beliau harus menebus kesilapan menamakan Pak Lah sebagai penggantinya.
Cakapsiang: Selagi politik menjaga periuk nasi berleluasa dalam diri orang Melayu, selagi itulah bangsa Melayu tidak berani berfikiran dan bertindak rasional. Ku Li dan Dr M tidak akan berjaya mempengaruhi majoriti dalam UMNO kerana mereka berdua bukan lagi 'penjaga periok dan nasi'. Kita boleh berfantasi dan berilusi, namun realiti tetap PERIUK NASI!
Dzulman: Apa yang sedang berlaku di kalangan masyarakat Melayu, khususnya dalam UMNO, adalah satu cabaran besar oleh Allah SWT. Saya tak salahkan UMNO sebuah parti politik yang punyai tujuan murni. Tetapi, sayangnya ramai dari orang kuat-kuat hanya mementingkan perut sendiri.Saya ingat masa TDM jadi PM dia jarang mengabaikan surat-surat dari rakyat.
Kita hantar kad raya pun dia jawab walau pun kita tahu itu kerja pembantunya. Sekarang lain cerita.Apa jua perubahan mesti di lakukan oleh UMNO dari dalam. Dengan keadaan sekarang nampaknya rakyat Melayu terpaksa tunggu kerana tak mungkin ada yang berani membuat sesuatu yang boleh menggemparkan.Kami turut merasa terganggu dengan apa yang sedang dan akan berlaku. Berdoalah kita kepada Allah SWT semoga keadaan jadi baik.A Voice (blogger):
Petikan dari posting saya, Filem dan Mentera: Seniman Agong dan Pelakun Palsu. ....Adakah antara mereka tahu menyesal seperti Aduka? Sanggupkah bertaubat dan merelakan hukuman? Pelbagai persoalan timbul dalam fikiran dan jiwa ku.Borek dengan kuncu-kuncunya sudah menghuru-harakan negara.
Kita bertelagah perkara remeh hingga lupa dan lalai ancaman yang sudah menjelma. Musuh sudah di dalam pagar!Tanahair dilanggar "todak"! Dimanakah kau "Hang Nadim"? Sanggupkah anak muda ke hadapan, walaupun kamu mungkin terkorban atas pengorbananmu?Keluarlah "Mat Kilau" dari sembunyian! Berani lagikah "Tok Janggut", walaupun berakhir di tali gantung? "Si Bongkok", jangan semangat mu hanya ingatan dalam "tajuk"!
Renegix: Datuk, apa sebenarnya gerhana tu? Buatkan saya juga gundah gulana. Jika tidak keberatan, sila beritahu saya.
Harry: Gerhana dalam apa bentuk pun tidak akan berlaku di negara ini, andaikata PAS atau parti pembangkang tidak membuat "kerja rumah" mengenai dasar politik mereka.
Silhoute: Masa Ku Li sudah terlepas… Gerhana telah lama melanda Malaysia dan Malaysia akan terus dilanda gerhana selagi pemimpinnya tidak insaf dan mementingkan kekayaan semata-mata.
Zed: Change is good and badly needed in this country. I for one will support Tengku Razaleigh should he decide to contest for the top post.
Geligeleman: You mengharapkan Ku Li melakukan sesuatu untuk menyaingi Pak Lah. Kenapa? UMNO kurang/tak mempunyai sebuah institutsi pewaris kepimpinan yg benar-benar jitu? Apa kekuatan yang ada pada Ku Li? UMNO sendiri tidak mahu mengubah gaya pemikiran dan tanggapan terhadap waris kepimpinan mereka. UMNO sendiri pun kelabu dengan arah tuju mereka.
MM2007: Gerhana itu adalah kejadian alam ikut design Tuhan atau sunnatullah. Jangan kita takut gerhana.
Nasigoreng: Ku Li satu-satunya 'PM material' tetapi takdir Allah mengatasi kehendak manusia. Ku Li sepatutnya jadi PM sekarang jika Mahathir berfikiran lebih waras dalam menentukan pengganti. Keberanian Ku Li mencabar Mahathir dalam tahun 1987 sudah cukup bukti bahwa selepas Mahathir, Ku Li mengambil alih pemerintahan negara ini. Apa boleh buat, orang Melayu sungguh malang, Begitu juga rakyat Malaysia seluruhnya. Ku Li seorang yang cerdas dan dinamis. Sangat meyakinkan bila berucap, orang tidak mengantuk. Beliau tidak pernah tertangkap tertidur dalam mesyuarat. Alahai, nasi sudah menjadi bubur basi.
Begitulah reaksi kepada cetusan hati saya semalam. Reaksi itu diberikan walaupun gerhana sebenarnya masih belum tiba. Bagi pihak yang ingin mengetahui apakah gerhana itu sebenarnya, ikutilah blog ini dari sehari ke sehari berikutnya.Saya katakan begitu kerana hari ini saya sudah dapat bayang-bayang tentang gerhana berkenaan. Ada beberapa “ahli falak” yang mahu mengetahui ramalan gerhana ini dengan lebih lanjut telah menghubungi saya hari ini.
Mereka bertanya di mana saya dapat info pasal gerhana berkenaan. Saya katakan kepada mereka, gerhana hanyalah perkataan yang saya pilih untuk menggambarkan apa yang mungkin berlaku. Mereka bertanya kepada saya, apa pasal saya agak akan ada gerhana? Saya jawab, saya ramalkan satu gerhana mungkin berlaku berasaskan seluruh maklumat yang saya terima sejak seminggu yang lalu. “Ahli-ahli falak” tersebut mendesak saya menyenaraikan maklumat-maklumat berkenaan.
Saya jawab dengan ringkas, tunggu dulu, saya sedang siasat dan siasat secara rapi dan terperinci. Dan, kalau nak tau intisarinya, ikutilah blog saya dari semasa ke semasa.Demi kesetiaan anda melayari blog ini dan membaca posting saya di Malaysia Today, dengan ini saya senaraikan bahawa antara topik utama kepada maklumat yang sedang saya kaji, siasat dan analisa pada ketika ini adalah seperti berikut:
Benarkah dakwaan kononnya kepimpinan tertinggi Malaysia kini sedang dimanipulasikan oleh sebuah negara jiran menerusi pendekatan ekonomi dan perdagangan yang dibiayai oleh anasir zionis dan neo-imperialis?Benarkah dakwaan kononnya ada satu entiti korporat asing akan berperanan besar dalam menentukan tarikh dan senarai calon PRU ke-12?
Benarkah dakwaan kononnya pembesar negara baru sahaja menerima nasihat daripada entiti korporat ini supaya PRU ke-12 diadakan dalam tempoh terdekat, mungkin minggu kedua Ogos 2007?Benarkah dakwaan kononnya entiti korporat yang sama juga akan mencurah wang beratus juta ringgit dalam PRU-12 akan datang ini?
Benarkah dakwaan kononnya Timbalan Perdana Menteri akan disingkir dan dipinggirkan menerusi beberapa pendekatan politik dan lain-lainnya tidak lama lagi?Benarkan dakwaan kononnya beberapa individu sangat berpengaruh dan sangat berkuasa kini terlibat dalam amalan seks sejenis sesama mereka?
Apakah aktiviti meragukan yang kononnya telah dan sedang terjadi di sebuah rumah di sekitar kejiranan Istana Negara, Kuala Lumpur, kebelakangan ini?Intisari di atas saya kemukakan dalam bentuk soalan.
Kepada pasukan petugas UMNO Malaysia yang baru sahaja mengeluarkan satu analisa mengenai bloggers politik Malaysia baru-baru ini, saya harap analisalah intisari di atas secara cermat dan terperinci.Pada waktu yang sama, saya juga harap pasukan pemantau ini bertanya kepada individu-individu di Aras Empat, apakah yang telah terjadi di pejabat berkenaan, pada suatu malam, tiga atau empat hari yang lalu?
Benarkah pejabat itu pun bocor? Bukan bocor atap, bocor siling atau pun bocor paip. Tapi, bocor keselamatannya?Setelah saya berikan serba sedikit intisari kepada maklumat yang sedang saya siasat dan terus siasat ini, apakah pendapat anda kalau info ini diletupkan ke tengah-tengah khalayak ramai, oleh pihak yang mengetahuinya, tidak lama lagi?
Gerhana akan terjadi? Kalau terjadi gerhana, mungkinkah pembesar-pembesar terbabit akan mempunyai kekuatan moral untuk terus memberikan semula sinar perjuangan kepada rakyat dan negara tercinta ini? Kalau tidak, di manakah relevannya Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah dalam keadaan sebegini? – Ruhanie Ahmad
Muncul Sesudah Gerhana?
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah: Muncul Sesudah Gerhana? oleh kuda kepang
Hujung minggu ini fikiran saya tambah bercelaru. Bukannya pasal apa-apa yang peribadi. Tetapi perihal tanahair tercinta yang kini dikatakan sedang di ambang gerhana.Sama ada gerhana bulan, gerhana suria, gerhana siasah atau gerhana iktisad, saya tidak tahu. Saya hanya mendapat maklumat bahawa satu episod gerhana akan mnjelma di Malaysia. Jadi, harap anda semua bersabar, tunggu dan lihat, sama ada gerhana itu benar-benar berlaku.Bagaimanapun, dalam kecelaruan ini, saya pun baca semula buku Apa Agenda Anwar Ibrahim Dengan Khairy Jamaluddin karya sahabat saya, Saudara Yahya Ismail atau Pak Ya.
Kalau apa yang dinukilkan oleh Pak Ya di dalam buku itu adalah hakikat, kata suara hati saya, ke manakah akhirnya kita semua?Pak Ya juga memaparkan banyak gambar pemimpin UMNO dari semua lapisan di dalam buku tersebut. Tetapi, saya sendiri tidak tahu, mengapakah perhatian saya terpaku kepada foto yang dipaparkan di muka surat 266 di mana Pak Ya memaparkan wajah Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Ahli Parlimen BN Gua Musang, Kelantan, dengan caption seperti berikut:Kalau beliau (Tengku Razaleigh) menumpas Mahathir pada tahun 1987, jawatan PM akan disandang oleh beliau. Malangnya, dia gagal.
Tapi beliau tidak mudah berputus asa dalam perjuangan dan tidak pernah kalah dalam setiap pilihan raya yang disertainya hingga sekarang. Beliau mempunyai pengaruh, dihormati rakyat dan seorang tokoh politik yang berpengalaman, berwibawa dan boleh menjadi bakal PM. Kalau Tun Mahathir dan Ku Li berkerjasama, besar kemungkinan scenario politik UMNO dan negara akan berubah tidak lama lagi.Begitulah kata-kata Pak Ya dalam bukunya yang diterbitkan pada Ogos 2006. Saya tidak pasti mengapa Pak Ya memilih caption di atas untuk gambar Tengku Razaleigh yang berpakaian casual.
Tetapi, dalam gambar itu, Tengku Razaleigh jelas memberikan satu renungan yang tajam dan penuh bermakna.Soalnya di sini, mengapakah sewaktu menghadapi kecelaruan ini saya memetik caption Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh?Adakah kerana saya tertawan dengan kata-kata Pak Ya bahawa Tengku Razaleigh “mempunyai pengaruh, dihormati rakyat dan seorang tokoh politik yang berpengalaman, berwibawa dan boleh menjadi bakal PM.”?Atau, adakah kerana Pak Ya mengatakan bahawa “kalau Tun Mahathir dan Ku Li berkerjasama, besar kemungkinan scenario politik UMNO dan negara akan berubah tidak lama lagi.”?Saya tidak dapat menjawab persoalan di atas kerana soalan itu menjelma dalam kecelaruan fikiran saya terhadap tanahair.
Tetapi, mungkinkah saya memetik kata-kata Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh kerana naluri saya yang sedang dalam kecelaruan ini didorong oleh satu persepsi bahawa Tengku Razaleigh memang tokoh terbaik untuk mengembalikan semula cahaya ria yang akan ditenggelamkan oleh gerhana yang mungkin tiba?Mungkinkah kini sampai giliran Tengku Razaleigh, putera raja berjiwa rakyat, untuk mewarnakan semula landskap siasah Malaysia selepas gerhana muncul di tanahair tercinta ini tidak lama lagi? – Ruhanie Ahmad
Hujung minggu ini fikiran saya tambah bercelaru. Bukannya pasal apa-apa yang peribadi. Tetapi perihal tanahair tercinta yang kini dikatakan sedang di ambang gerhana.Sama ada gerhana bulan, gerhana suria, gerhana siasah atau gerhana iktisad, saya tidak tahu. Saya hanya mendapat maklumat bahawa satu episod gerhana akan mnjelma di Malaysia. Jadi, harap anda semua bersabar, tunggu dan lihat, sama ada gerhana itu benar-benar berlaku.Bagaimanapun, dalam kecelaruan ini, saya pun baca semula buku Apa Agenda Anwar Ibrahim Dengan Khairy Jamaluddin karya sahabat saya, Saudara Yahya Ismail atau Pak Ya.
Kalau apa yang dinukilkan oleh Pak Ya di dalam buku itu adalah hakikat, kata suara hati saya, ke manakah akhirnya kita semua?Pak Ya juga memaparkan banyak gambar pemimpin UMNO dari semua lapisan di dalam buku tersebut. Tetapi, saya sendiri tidak tahu, mengapakah perhatian saya terpaku kepada foto yang dipaparkan di muka surat 266 di mana Pak Ya memaparkan wajah Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Ahli Parlimen BN Gua Musang, Kelantan, dengan caption seperti berikut:Kalau beliau (Tengku Razaleigh) menumpas Mahathir pada tahun 1987, jawatan PM akan disandang oleh beliau. Malangnya, dia gagal.
Tapi beliau tidak mudah berputus asa dalam perjuangan dan tidak pernah kalah dalam setiap pilihan raya yang disertainya hingga sekarang. Beliau mempunyai pengaruh, dihormati rakyat dan seorang tokoh politik yang berpengalaman, berwibawa dan boleh menjadi bakal PM. Kalau Tun Mahathir dan Ku Li berkerjasama, besar kemungkinan scenario politik UMNO dan negara akan berubah tidak lama lagi.Begitulah kata-kata Pak Ya dalam bukunya yang diterbitkan pada Ogos 2006. Saya tidak pasti mengapa Pak Ya memilih caption di atas untuk gambar Tengku Razaleigh yang berpakaian casual.
Tetapi, dalam gambar itu, Tengku Razaleigh jelas memberikan satu renungan yang tajam dan penuh bermakna.Soalnya di sini, mengapakah sewaktu menghadapi kecelaruan ini saya memetik caption Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh?Adakah kerana saya tertawan dengan kata-kata Pak Ya bahawa Tengku Razaleigh “mempunyai pengaruh, dihormati rakyat dan seorang tokoh politik yang berpengalaman, berwibawa dan boleh menjadi bakal PM.”?Atau, adakah kerana Pak Ya mengatakan bahawa “kalau Tun Mahathir dan Ku Li berkerjasama, besar kemungkinan scenario politik UMNO dan negara akan berubah tidak lama lagi.”?Saya tidak dapat menjawab persoalan di atas kerana soalan itu menjelma dalam kecelaruan fikiran saya terhadap tanahair.
Tetapi, mungkinkah saya memetik kata-kata Pak Ya mengenai Tengku Razaleigh kerana naluri saya yang sedang dalam kecelaruan ini didorong oleh satu persepsi bahawa Tengku Razaleigh memang tokoh terbaik untuk mengembalikan semula cahaya ria yang akan ditenggelamkan oleh gerhana yang mungkin tiba?Mungkinkah kini sampai giliran Tengku Razaleigh, putera raja berjiwa rakyat, untuk mewarnakan semula landskap siasah Malaysia selepas gerhana muncul di tanahair tercinta ini tidak lama lagi? – Ruhanie Ahmad
Saturday, September 8, 2007
Ku Li - TDM: Politik yang serba mungkin
Dipetik dari malaysiaaktif.com
Cakap-cakap mengatakan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah akan berpadu tenaga dengan Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad bukan satu cerita baru. Ramai tok-tok sidang politik yang pasang telinga di sana sini untuk mendapatkan pengesahan bab ini. Namun sejak bekas Perdana Menteri itu melancarkan kritikan terbuka terhadap Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi pada pertengahan tahun lalu tiada satu petanda yang dapat dijadikan pengikat kata tentang bualan politik itu.
Ini kerana zahirnya sejak itu Tengku Razaleigh sendiri dilihat seolah mengambil jalan tengah dalam isu Dr Mahathir-Abdullah. Beliau antara lain pernah menyarankan Abdullah pandu saja kereta ke rumah Dr Mahathir untuk bersua secara langsung dengannya bagi menyelesaikan pertikaian itu bila diasak oleh para wartawan untuk mengulas. Bekas Menteri Kewangan dan ahli parlimen Gua Musang ini juga tidak pernah menghadiri mana-mana roadshow politik Dr Mahathir termasuk yang terbaru di Kulai Johor.
Ikut ceritanya Tengku Razaleigh telah diundang oleh pihak penganjur untuk menghadiri ceramah Dr Mahathir di Kota Bharu pada 28 Julai lalu yang digamatkan dengan peristiwa semburan gas pemedih mata keatas bekas Perdana Menteri itu di lapangan terbang Sultan Ismail Petra,Pengkalan Chepa.
Namun beliau tidak muncul.
Sebab itu ramai yang buka mata bila Dr Mahathir memenuhi undangan untuk menghadiri ceramah agung tahunan anjuran Persekutuan Badan Pendidikan Dan Pembangunan Melayu di Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur pada petang Jumaat lalu yang disampaikan oleh Tengku Razaleigh.
Ini adalah kali pertama mereka bersua dalam satu pentas ceramah politik sejak sekian lama.
Dalam arina politik yang serba mungkin... baik Dr Mahathir maupun Tengku Razaleigh kini tidak dapat menyekat apa jua andaian tentang ‘jalinan’ terbaru itu.
Tandatanya terbesar tentunya menjurus kepada mungkinkah kedua-dua tokoh UMNO ini yang telah ‘berperang’ untuk jawatan Presiden sehingga parti itu diharamkan pada tahun 1987, bergabung untuk menghadapi pemilihan parti akan datang.
Agendadaily ada mengemukan soalan yang berkaitan dengan itu kepada Dr. Mahathir selepas majlis berkenaan dan beliau dengan stail biasanya spontan berkata : “ Satu mazhab mungkin boleh, tetapi pemikiran tetap lain-lain.”
Sebelum itu dalam ucapannya ketika diundang mengulas ceramah Tengku Razaleigh di majlis itu, Dr. Mahathir menyebut bahawa dalam politik, ada ‘mazhab’nya tersendiri.
Beliau asalnya hadir pada ceramah itu sebagai undangan sahaja dan tidak dijadualkan berucap.
Beliau merujuk kepada sejarahnya dengan Tengku Razaleigh yang berbeza pendapat hingga akhirnya berpisah.
“Pendirian perjuangan kebangsaan itu sama, jangan ketepikan walaupun yang bermusuh dan cuba jatuhkan kita,’’ ujarnya. Dengan senyuman sinis, Dr. Mahathir memberitahu beliau tidak berdendam dengan Tengku Razaleigh dan putera raja dari Kelantan itu nyaris-nyaris dilantik semula menganggotai jemaah menteri ( selepas pemilihan 1987). “Bagaimanapun oleh kerana kenyataannya dalam majalah Far Eastern Economic Review(FEER), sayapun kena review perlantikan itu,’’ ujarnya.
Tengku Razaleigh mempunyai track record politik yang tersendiri.Menyingkapnya semula jelas tertera beliau seolah seorang yang tidak pernah giveup bila sudah set hendak mencapai sesuatu. Selain bertanding menentang Dr Mahathir, beliau sebelum itu dua kali berentap dengan Tun Musa Hitam untuk jawatan Timbalan Presiden Umno.
Lihat saja pada cubaannya hendak bertanding jawatan Presiden Umno menentang Abdullah pada pemilihan tahun 2004 diketika semua ramalan menunjukkan beliau tidak akan lepas sekalipun diperingkat pencalonan bahagian-bahagian Umno.
Beliau akhirnya terpaksa menerima realiti mendapat hanya satu pencalonan dari bahagiannya sendiri,Gua Musang.
Lihat saja pada cubaannya hendak bertanding jawatan Presiden Umno menentang Abdullah pada pemilihan tahun 2004 diketika semua ramalan menunjukkan beliau tidak akan lepas sekalipun diperingkat pencalonan bahagian-bahagian Umno.
Beliau akhirnya terpaksa menerima realiti mendapat hanya satu pencalonan dari bahagiannya sendiri,Gua Musang.
Alasan yang diberikannya waktu itu ialah mahu menegakkan demokrasi dalam Umno.Beliau juga mempertikaikan sistem pemilihan yang dibatasi oleh sistem kuota pencalonan yang dijadikan satu peraturan dalam parti itu semasa era Dr Mahathir.
Sistem kuota itu yang bertujuan untuk mengelak sebarangan orang bertanding jawatan utama parti juga telah menjadi senjata Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim checkmate Allahyarham Tun Ghafar Baba diperingkat pencalonan jawatan Timbalan Presiden Umno menjelang pemilihan Umno tahun 1993.
Ada yang berkata satu-satunya cita-cita Tengku Razaleigh yang setakat ini belum tercapai ialah merasai jadi Presiden Umno dan Perdana Menteri.
Soalnya sekarang mampukah Dr Mahathir menjadi ‘jambatan’ bagi Tengku Razaleigh mencapai impian itu? Realiti politik Umno jelas menunjukkan ia bukan sesuatu mudah mengugat leader of the day .
Memang sukar untuk merongkai paduan pada sesiapa saja yang di puncak kuasa.
Tiada siapa yang mahu mengambil risiko kehilangan alignment politik yang sedia ada.Ini kerana naik muka baru sudah tentu lain susun aturnya. Pengalamannya tiga tahun lampau adalah bukti terdekat bagi Tengku Razaleigh. Dalam era Dr Mahathir sendiri sudah tercatat dalam lipatan sejarah bahawa sekalipun berdepan dengan gelombang tentangan Team B yang mencemaskan pada tahun 1987 beliau tetap di situ.
Pada tahun 1998 badai taufan reformasi Anwar hanya mampu mencacatkan jumlah pungutan kerusi Barisan Nasional pada pilihanraya 1999 saja. Sebelum itu Musa Hitam angkat bendera putih dan undur diri dari jawatan Timbalan Presiden dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri hinggalah beliau gangup dengan team B Tengku Razaleigh. ‘Kekuatan’ Dr Mahathir menangkis dan merebahkan semua penentangnya heavyweightnya khususnya Tengku Razaleigh,Musa dan Anwar dengan sendiri membuatkan pimpinannya sunyi sepi dari menghadapi kritikan dalaman sehingga beliau menyerahkan tampuk pemerintahan kepada Abdullah pada tahun 2003. “Walaupun Dr Mahathir kata beliau bersikap terbuka sedia menerima kritikan….tetapi dengan kekuatan berkenaan lepas itu mana ada pemimpin Umno yang berani mengkritiknya secara terbuka,” kata seorang penganalisis politik.
Dr Mahathir sendiri sedang mengambil risiko besar memperjudikan kredibiliti dan imejnya dalam serangannya terhadap Abdullah. Silap haribulan namanya sebagai lagenda politik negara yang berprestij boleh terhumban ke dalam longkang. Diketika beliau menghentam kiri kanan Abdullah banyak juga komentar-komenter dalam beberapa laman blog popular yang mempersoalkan hal-hal yang berlaku semasa zaman pentabirannya selama 22 tahun. Ini termasuk bab mengkayakan kroni dan anak.
Atas apa argument politik pun memang sukar untuk mematikan kecurigaan orang bahawa Mirzan,Mokhzani dan Mukhriz berjaya dalam perniagaan semata-mata atas kekuatan mereka sendiri. Dr Mahathir sendiri nyata sedar tentang persepsi itu yang terus bermain di kepala para pengkritiknya diketika beliau membangkitkan soal kekayaan Kamaluddin,anak lelaki Abdullah.
Beliau kerap juga menyentuh tentang kejayaan mereka dalam perniagaan yang tidak ada kena mengena langsung kerana sentuhannya. Apa lagi bila baru-baru ini Mokhzani disenaraikan oleh sebuah majalah bisnes tempatan sebagai salah seorang dari 100 yang terkaya di Malaysia. Sebab itu agak menarik untuk mengintai perkembangan mendatang mengenai spekulasi paduan tenaga Dr Mahathir -Tengku Razaleigh.
' Titik temu ' mereka jelas terbentang dan sukar diselindung.
' Titik temu ' mereka jelas terbentang dan sukar diselindung.
Sekalipun ‘arah tuju’ Tengku Razaleigh agak senang dibaca namun beliau juga dikenali sebagai seorang yang kadangkala berhati-hati dalam membuat sesetengah perhitungan politik. Apakah beliau selama ini menjauhkan diri dari Dr Mahathir kerana hendak menilai dulu impak tindak tanduk bekas Perdana Menteri itu dalam senario politik tanahair khususnya politik Umno? Bagi Dr Mahathir sendiri mungkinkah kehadirannya pada majlis ceramah Tengku Razaleigh itu kerana merasa sepi ketiadaan seorang pun rakan heavyweight bersuara seiring dengannya selama ini? Pada majlis ceramah itu mereka senada dalam menyuarakan keraguan pada zon bebas akses yang dicadangkan hendak diwujudkan di Wilayah Pembangunan Iskandar di Johor. Kemungkinan wujudnya gabungan tenaga antara Dr Mahathir –Tengku Razaleigh juga sudah pasti akan diandaikan tidak lebih dari satu marriage of convenience. "There are no permanent friends or permanent enemies.There are only permanent interests.Itu adalah satu cogankata politik yang semua orang tahu kenyataan yang berlaku dimana-mana.
Yang pasti bola sudah berada dalam padang Tengku Razaleigh.Kini tilikan pada kemungkinan gerak langkahnya dikatakan lebih menjurus kepada pada satu faktor iaitu...Ini last kopek…nothing to lose. - 2/4/2007
Parliament Q & A " Whether MAS reorganisation included plans to replace old aircraft" asked Ku Li
Replacing Old Aircraft Part Of MAS' Ongoing Plan August 28, 2007 14:51 PM
KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 28 (Bernama) -- Malaysia Airlines (MAS) has plans to replace its aircraft in line with its ongoing aircraft revamp exercise, the Dewan Rakyat was told today.
Deputy Transport Minister Datuk Seri Tengku Azlan Sultan Abu Bakar said the national carrier had received several proposals from aircraft manufacturers such as Boeing and Airbus to replace its B737-400 planes.
He was replying to Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (BN-Gua Musang) who wanted to know whether MAS' reorganisation included plans to replace old aircraft."In line with its five-year plan, MAS plans to buy long-range narrow-body aircraft to enable it to operate in new sectors which are not suitable for Airbus 330 and Boeing 737-400 aircraft," he said.To a question from Datuk Bung Mokhtar Radin (BN-Kinabatangan) on an incident where a MAS aircraft had to make an emergency landing due to a faulty landing gear, Tengku Azlan said the matter would be investigated and assured him that the airline would not compromise on passengers' safety.
On delays in MAS flights recently, Tengku Azlan said they were due to several factors including flight rescheduling, and the introduction of a new passenger service system and technical problems.He said that as a result, in July, the MAS flight punctuality rate dropped to 62 per cent compared with an average of between 82.9 per cent and 88.1 per cent.
Tengku Azlan said MAS had addressed the problem by introducing new flight schedules with adequate buffer time and mobilised its engineers from Subang to the KL International Airport (KLIA) to enable repair work to be carried out quickly."For this month, the MAS flight punctuality rate has improved to 82 per cent," he said.-- BERNAMA
KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 28 (Bernama) -- Malaysia Airlines (MAS) has plans to replace its aircraft in line with its ongoing aircraft revamp exercise, the Dewan Rakyat was told today.
Deputy Transport Minister Datuk Seri Tengku Azlan Sultan Abu Bakar said the national carrier had received several proposals from aircraft manufacturers such as Boeing and Airbus to replace its B737-400 planes.
He was replying to Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (BN-Gua Musang) who wanted to know whether MAS' reorganisation included plans to replace old aircraft."In line with its five-year plan, MAS plans to buy long-range narrow-body aircraft to enable it to operate in new sectors which are not suitable for Airbus 330 and Boeing 737-400 aircraft," he said.To a question from Datuk Bung Mokhtar Radin (BN-Kinabatangan) on an incident where a MAS aircraft had to make an emergency landing due to a faulty landing gear, Tengku Azlan said the matter would be investigated and assured him that the airline would not compromise on passengers' safety.
On delays in MAS flights recently, Tengku Azlan said they were due to several factors including flight rescheduling, and the introduction of a new passenger service system and technical problems.He said that as a result, in July, the MAS flight punctuality rate dropped to 62 per cent compared with an average of between 82.9 per cent and 88.1 per cent.
Tengku Azlan said MAS had addressed the problem by introducing new flight schedules with adequate buffer time and mobilised its engineers from Subang to the KL International Airport (KLIA) to enable repair work to be carried out quickly."For this month, the MAS flight punctuality rate has improved to 82 per cent," he said.-- BERNAMA
Special privileges for Malays only temporary ’safety net’, says Ku Li
Posted on July 27th, 2007.
The Malays must realise the protection and special privileges accorded to them by the government to develop them economically, particularly through the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP), are only a temporary “safety net”, a former finance minister said.
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah said the government provided the safety net so that the Malays would not fall flat in going through the tests and pressures of life. At the same time, they must learn fast so that they need not depend forever on privileged assistance, he said.
“To achieve progress, they cannot rely on the safety net forever.
They must move forward on their own accord and to scale greater heights,” he said when speaking at the 2007 Za’ba Lecture series here yesterday.
Source: The Sun, Bernama
The Malays must realise the protection and special privileges accorded to them by the government to develop them economically, particularly through the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP), are only a temporary “safety net”, a former finance minister said.
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah said the government provided the safety net so that the Malays would not fall flat in going through the tests and pressures of life. At the same time, they must learn fast so that they need not depend forever on privileged assistance, he said.
“To achieve progress, they cannot rely on the safety net forever.
They must move forward on their own accord and to scale greater heights,” he said when speaking at the 2007 Za’ba Lecture series here yesterday.
Source: The Sun, Bernama
Friday, September 7, 2007
Tunku ensured Malay predominance, says Ku Li
Old friends: Tengku Razaleigh with Tunku during the latter's visit to Kota Bharu at the invitation of the Sultan and Raja Perempuan of Kelantan on Nov 6, 1988. — Courtesy of Tunku Sofiah JewaFrom AllMalaysia.info, 27 August 2007
He was portrayed as being anti-Malay in the aftermath of May 13 and his name sullied. Nothing could have been further from the truth.
By TENGKU RAZALEIGH HAMZAH
LONG before I was even born, my father Tengku Mohamed Hamzah, the Menteri Besar of Kelantan, had been close to the royal family of Kedah. In the late 1950s, my father used to call on Ayah (Tunku Abdul Rahman) at The Residency whenever he was in Kuala Lumpur to attend the Rulers’ Conference.
As for me, I met Ayah regularly while studying economics at Queen’s University in Belfast, when I was also Secretary-General of the Malay Society of United Kingdom.
In February 1962, when I was in my final year reading law at Lincoln's Inn, my father had a fatal stroke, thus forcing my early return to Malaya. My plane took me to Singapore. Ayah was kind enough to have sent a special plane to transport me from Singapore to Kota Bharu.
He asked me to remain in the country and become politically involved in Kelantan. However, I was not quite ready for electoral politics. In the absence of my father, I had a responsibility to manage my family affairs, and make a mark, if possible, in the financial sector.
Nevertheless, thanks to Ayah, I was myself inspired to swap my Saville-Row city suits for traditional Malay garb and to venture forth into the uncertainties of Kelantan politics.
The fact that he was a prince did not inhibit him from going to the kampung to win support for self-government and later independence. I came to realise through the sheer force of Ayah’s living example that royal antecedence did not give us any special privileges in an independent Malaya – apart from those dictated by protocol – and that we would have to take our place as citizens on par with the rest.
Ayah was a Malay gentleman who was steeped in adat. He was extremely hospitable to his guests. Despite the great age gap between both of us, whenever I visited Ayah, I would find him literally waiting for me at the door.
The tragic part of it all was that despite his good intentions and great concern for the Malay community, Ayah was portrayed as being anti-Malay in the aftermath of May 13 and his name sullied.
Nothing could have been further from the truth. It was Ayah who had ensured Malay predominance in the country, to the extent that he was willing to allow Singapore to leave peacefully in the larger interest of the Malay agenda, despite the political cost.
Again it was Ayah who ensured that certain provisions and safeguards were included in the Constitution to protect the special position of the Malays. He also ensured that the Civil Service, Military and Police Force would be headed by Malays.
It was during Ayah’s premiership that massive rural development programmes were carried out to eradicate poverty among the Malays: a nascent class of Malay entrepreneurs was created through the Bumiputra Economic Congresses of 1965 and 1968, plus institutions such as Bank Bumiputra Malaysia Berhad, PERNAS (National Equity Corporation), MARA (Council of Trust for the Indigenous People) and FAMA (Federal Agricultural Marketing Authority) were established.
Despite these initiatives, efforts were directed at discrediting and nullifying Ayah’s contributions towards Malay pre-dominance in the country.
Although Ayah was the mastermind behind the grand design to help the Malays, the Malays chose to see Tun Razak’s sole hand in the various departmental projects that were carried out during Ayah’s era.
It was also unfortunate that my close association with (Tun) Dr Mahathir (Mohamad) was misconstrued. Ayah had fathered me politically in Umno.
I was of course considerably more pro-Tunku than Mahathir or anyone else, but my sympathies for Mahathir upset Ayah.
When Ayah retired, he was in financial straits. The Government allocated a bungalow in the Federal Capital for him to stay for life. This was the government quarters at No. 1, Kenny Road (now Jalan Bukit Tunku).
When I became Finance Minister, I felt that as a national icon, Ayah must be given the opportunity to own the house. I discussed the matter with Tun Hussein Onn and it was decided that the house should be sold to Ayah at a special price normally fixed for the benefit of the disadvantaged, namely one-eighth of the market value. Since even that was too expensive for Ayah, I was more than happy to arrange for the money.
In 1989, differences between Mahathir and me resulted in the formation of Semangat 46, of which I was the president, and Ayah the adviser. Ayah became the first registered member of Semangat 46; Tun Hussein Onn was the second in line.
It was Ayah who insisted that a party be formed when Umno Baru was registered. He was concerned that having blacklisted leaders of old Umno, the leadership of Umno Baru would bar the supporters and sympathisers of the so-called Team B from joining Umno Baru.
If these political activists were alienated, he feared that they might join opposition parties like PAS and Parti Rakyat and might not return to Umno.
Although he was instrumental in setting up Semangat 46, Tunku also advised me to keep an open mind because he was concerned about Malay unity. He advised me that in the event there was an opportunity for both sides to come together, then Semangat 46 should be dissolved.
Even in his old age, Ayah was determined to set things right. As in Ayah’s era as Prime Minister, his was still the healing touch.
Born on 13th April 1937, into the Kelantan royal household, Tengku Tan Sri Razaleigh Hamzah, affectionately known as Ku Li, has been an MP since 1969. In Umno, he was elected to the Supreme Council in 1971, and became vice-president in 1975. He also served as Finance Minister under Prime Minister Tun Hussein Onn and is currently the MP for Gua Musang.
"Tengku Razaleigh, said the source, is no longer any threat to the Umno leadership." The Star, 2 Sept
Starting before the flag-off
INSIGHT
By JOCELINE TAN
The general election is still a date in the near future but in Kelantan the battle for control of this highly-political state has begun in earnest.
DATUK Seri Annuar Musa was in his element addressing a close-door meeting of Umno grassroots leaders in Kelantan when he dropped a bombshell.
The Kelantan Umno leader said he was fed up of people thinking he would be the next Mentri Besar of Kelantan.
People say I am here (as Kelantan Umno chief) because I aspire to be Mentri Besar. Let me tell you that I sometimes feel like vomiting when people say I will be the next Mentri Besar,?he said.
Alwi: The Ketereh MP known for his dazzling oratory has been singled out as a potential Mentri Besar in the event of an Umno win.
Then he turned towards those seated on the stage and said that the best person for the job was Ketereh MP Datuk Alwi Che Ahmad.
Alwi's jaw visibly dropped, and everyone burst into laughter at his reaction.
But Annuar was dead serious: Why do you laugh? I am the state Umno liaison chief. I won say such things unless I have received the signal.?nbsp;
Alwi, who is also the state Umno information head, has since told people that he is not after the Mentri Besar post. Instead, he claimed that the more suitable candidate was Datuk Dr Awang Adek Hussin, the deputy state Umno chief.
As a Kelantanese, I must choose the best for my state. Awang Adek is better than me,?said Alwi.
But Awang Adek, who is also Deputy Finance Minister, said: am happy where I am.?nbsp;
Something strange is going on because Kelantan politicians, especially those from Umno, are rarely shy about claiming top posts.
Their opponents in PAS claim it is because Umno politicians know they are not going to win in Kelantan, hence there is no point jostling for something that will not be theirs.
For most other states, the election is still a date in the near future. But in Kelantan, the battle for control of the state has begun in some earnest. There are political ceramah every night.
Every week I go back to Kelantan I see new posters announcing ceramah here and there,?said an Umno political aide.
Husam: Nik Aziz wants this top-performing assemblyman as his successor but some in PAS are against it.
Kelantan is the most political state in the peninsula and the hot political question is the choice of Mentri Besar for whichever side wins.
However, Umno is not the only one struggling with a succession issue.
Not everyone in PAS shares Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat preference for Datuk Husam Musa, an economist by training, as his successor.
Some believe that Nik Aziz successor should be another true-blue ulama. Others disagree simply because they have their own camps of support.
There are people in PAS who are envious of Husam rapid rise in the party and the special bond he enjoys with the elderly Mursyidul Am or Spiritual Leader. They resent the fact that he wields so much influence over Nik Aziz and has become too powerful.
The anti-Husam faction in PAS is very real and intense. He feels the heat and finds it unbearable at times because it comes from friends in the jemaah (brethren),?said a long-time friend of Husam.
But Husam is clean, daring in his ideas and stands out as a strategist. Moreover, Nik Aziz has been known to refer to him as od gift to Kelantan?
Opposition to Tok Guru choice of successor is not a big thing. We intend to win again and Tok Guru will be the Mentri Besar but for how long, only God knows,?said a senior PAS politician in the state.
Meanwhile, the state government has been on an all-out effort to win hearts, announcing aid for single mothers, giving goats to farmers and constructing a racing circuit in Tanah Merah for motoring sports.
But the big hit has been the recently launched Takaful Kifalah or insurance scheme for senior citizens.
The scheme, open to all Kelantanese regardless of race or religion, has not only struck a chord with ordinary people but also the Palace. The Raja Perempuan has given the scheme her royal stamp of approval by launching it at four districts in the last two weeks.
Not to be outdone, Umno has drawn up a string of socio-economic programmes including a counter-insurance scheme that promises wider coverage and better payments.
Politics, like business, needs some competition for the good of the people.
Umno seems to be still adjusting to being the opposition while PAS seems to be suffering from the party-in-power syndrome.
These days, said a PAS political insider, when people talk about YBs going around in flashy cars and having several marriage certificates, it could mean politicians from either side of the divide.
And just as Umno used to be stuck with ageing wakil rakyat who refused to make way for new blood, PAS is also being dragged down by many ulama figures who do not understand that while religious credentials are important, serving the people is just as necessary.
People in Demit where I live complain that their YB (Datuk Mohamed Daud) is a religious man but does not bother to service his area,?said the political insider.
The elderly Demit assemblyman, better known as Mat Iraq because he studied in Baghdad, prefers to spend his time giving religious lectures and, despite rumblings on the grounds, has no plans to make way for someone more energetic.
Both sides are equally desperate to win Kelantan.
Umno top orator Alwi has told audiences at ceramah that all the factors are there for Umno to come back to power.
Umno, he said, has big development plans for the state, the government servants are happy, commodity prices are good and the palace is with Umno. appeal to you. Think about what we have to offer if you have good sense; look around you if you have eyes and listen closely if you have ears and you will surely support us,?he said.
However, some Umno politicians privately admit that if elections were held today, it would be able to hold on to only 17 of the 22 state seats that it now controls.
Earlier, talk that Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah would not be defending his Gua Musang seat in the general election had sent thrills through PAS. If that happened, the seat was as good as theirs.
Tengku Razaleigh is staying on. The PM has no plans to change things in Gua Musang,?said a Kelantan Umno source.
It is no secret that the royal politician and Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi have not had a comfortable relationship, and more so after Tengku Razaleigh offered himself to be nominated for the president post in the 2004 party polls.
But in recent months, there has been a go-between who has played a key role in smoothening ties between the two senior figures.
Tengku Razaleigh, said the source, is no longer any threat to the Umno leadership.
Rather, he is an iconic figure with vast experience and, given his standing as uncle to the Raja Perempuan, he is definitely someone Umno would want on its side.
Relations between Abdullah and Tengku Razaleigh have thawed considerably and both men have more in common than most people think. They come from a period when Malay society and politics were more open and share that same easy social grace and sense of style.
During an Umno meeting in Kelantan earlier this month, the Prince approached the Prime Minister and, with a broad smile and outstretched hand, said: believe Ihave yet to congratulate the new bridegroom.?
PAS leaders are very worried about the Eastern Corridor Development Project that the Prime Minister will soon launch.
They are unfazed by political issues and the tactics of local Umno leaders but big-time federal money and schemes are something else. PAS is in trouble if voters buy into this federal trump card.
Some say the social programmes that PAS has begun introducing may be too little too late.
Although Kota Baru is a thriving capital, rural poverty is a still a major problem in the state. Religious piety alone will not be enough for it to secure a strong mandate.
After 17 years, people expect something more concrete and specific. Our feet are not touching the ground nor are we anywhere near the sky. It not a nice feeling,?said an observer.
INSIGHT
By JOCELINE TAN
The general election is still a date in the near future but in Kelantan the battle for control of this highly-political state has begun in earnest.
DATUK Seri Annuar Musa was in his element addressing a close-door meeting of Umno grassroots leaders in Kelantan when he dropped a bombshell.
The Kelantan Umno leader said he was fed up of people thinking he would be the next Mentri Besar of Kelantan.
People say I am here (as Kelantan Umno chief) because I aspire to be Mentri Besar. Let me tell you that I sometimes feel like vomiting when people say I will be the next Mentri Besar,?he said.
Alwi: The Ketereh MP known for his dazzling oratory has been singled out as a potential Mentri Besar in the event of an Umno win.
Then he turned towards those seated on the stage and said that the best person for the job was Ketereh MP Datuk Alwi Che Ahmad.
Alwi's jaw visibly dropped, and everyone burst into laughter at his reaction.
But Annuar was dead serious: Why do you laugh? I am the state Umno liaison chief. I won say such things unless I have received the signal.?nbsp;
Alwi, who is also the state Umno information head, has since told people that he is not after the Mentri Besar post. Instead, he claimed that the more suitable candidate was Datuk Dr Awang Adek Hussin, the deputy state Umno chief.
As a Kelantanese, I must choose the best for my state. Awang Adek is better than me,?said Alwi.
But Awang Adek, who is also Deputy Finance Minister, said: am happy where I am.?nbsp;
Something strange is going on because Kelantan politicians, especially those from Umno, are rarely shy about claiming top posts.
Their opponents in PAS claim it is because Umno politicians know they are not going to win in Kelantan, hence there is no point jostling for something that will not be theirs.
For most other states, the election is still a date in the near future. But in Kelantan, the battle for control of the state has begun in some earnest. There are political ceramah every night.
Every week I go back to Kelantan I see new posters announcing ceramah here and there,?said an Umno political aide.
Husam: Nik Aziz wants this top-performing assemblyman as his successor but some in PAS are against it.
Kelantan is the most political state in the peninsula and the hot political question is the choice of Mentri Besar for whichever side wins.
However, Umno is not the only one struggling with a succession issue.
Not everyone in PAS shares Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat preference for Datuk Husam Musa, an economist by training, as his successor.
Some believe that Nik Aziz successor should be another true-blue ulama. Others disagree simply because they have their own camps of support.
There are people in PAS who are envious of Husam rapid rise in the party and the special bond he enjoys with the elderly Mursyidul Am or Spiritual Leader. They resent the fact that he wields so much influence over Nik Aziz and has become too powerful.
The anti-Husam faction in PAS is very real and intense. He feels the heat and finds it unbearable at times because it comes from friends in the jemaah (brethren),?said a long-time friend of Husam.
But Husam is clean, daring in his ideas and stands out as a strategist. Moreover, Nik Aziz has been known to refer to him as od gift to Kelantan?
Opposition to Tok Guru choice of successor is not a big thing. We intend to win again and Tok Guru will be the Mentri Besar but for how long, only God knows,?said a senior PAS politician in the state.
Meanwhile, the state government has been on an all-out effort to win hearts, announcing aid for single mothers, giving goats to farmers and constructing a racing circuit in Tanah Merah for motoring sports.
But the big hit has been the recently launched Takaful Kifalah or insurance scheme for senior citizens.
The scheme, open to all Kelantanese regardless of race or religion, has not only struck a chord with ordinary people but also the Palace. The Raja Perempuan has given the scheme her royal stamp of approval by launching it at four districts in the last two weeks.
Not to be outdone, Umno has drawn up a string of socio-economic programmes including a counter-insurance scheme that promises wider coverage and better payments.
Politics, like business, needs some competition for the good of the people.
Umno seems to be still adjusting to being the opposition while PAS seems to be suffering from the party-in-power syndrome.
These days, said a PAS political insider, when people talk about YBs going around in flashy cars and having several marriage certificates, it could mean politicians from either side of the divide.
And just as Umno used to be stuck with ageing wakil rakyat who refused to make way for new blood, PAS is also being dragged down by many ulama figures who do not understand that while religious credentials are important, serving the people is just as necessary.
People in Demit where I live complain that their YB (Datuk Mohamed Daud) is a religious man but does not bother to service his area,?said the political insider.
The elderly Demit assemblyman, better known as Mat Iraq because he studied in Baghdad, prefers to spend his time giving religious lectures and, despite rumblings on the grounds, has no plans to make way for someone more energetic.
Both sides are equally desperate to win Kelantan.
Umno top orator Alwi has told audiences at ceramah that all the factors are there for Umno to come back to power.
Umno, he said, has big development plans for the state, the government servants are happy, commodity prices are good and the palace is with Umno. appeal to you. Think about what we have to offer if you have good sense; look around you if you have eyes and listen closely if you have ears and you will surely support us,?he said.
However, some Umno politicians privately admit that if elections were held today, it would be able to hold on to only 17 of the 22 state seats that it now controls.
Earlier, talk that Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah would not be defending his Gua Musang seat in the general election had sent thrills through PAS. If that happened, the seat was as good as theirs.
Tengku Razaleigh is staying on. The PM has no plans to change things in Gua Musang,?said a Kelantan Umno source.
It is no secret that the royal politician and Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi have not had a comfortable relationship, and more so after Tengku Razaleigh offered himself to be nominated for the president post in the 2004 party polls.
But in recent months, there has been a go-between who has played a key role in smoothening ties between the two senior figures.
Tengku Razaleigh, said the source, is no longer any threat to the Umno leadership.
Rather, he is an iconic figure with vast experience and, given his standing as uncle to the Raja Perempuan, he is definitely someone Umno would want on its side.
Relations between Abdullah and Tengku Razaleigh have thawed considerably and both men have more in common than most people think. They come from a period when Malay society and politics were more open and share that same easy social grace and sense of style.
During an Umno meeting in Kelantan earlier this month, the Prince approached the Prime Minister and, with a broad smile and outstretched hand, said: believe Ihave yet to congratulate the new bridegroom.?
PAS leaders are very worried about the Eastern Corridor Development Project that the Prime Minister will soon launch.
They are unfazed by political issues and the tactics of local Umno leaders but big-time federal money and schemes are something else. PAS is in trouble if voters buy into this federal trump card.
Some say the social programmes that PAS has begun introducing may be too little too late.
Although Kota Baru is a thriving capital, rural poverty is a still a major problem in the state. Religious piety alone will not be enough for it to secure a strong mandate.
After 17 years, people expect something more concrete and specific. Our feet are not touching the ground nor are we anywhere near the sky. It not a nice feeling,?said an observer.
Detailed interview with The Edge, 3 Sept
The Edge: How old were you during Merdeka?
Tengku Razaleigh: Slightly less than 20 years old. I was doing my first degree in economics in London. I was in London representing the students.
Was there an opportunity to meet the leaders when they came there?
Yes… I met Tunku Abdul Rahman often, Tun Razak, Tun Sardon Jubir, who was a close family friend. As president of the students' union, I used to host talks and got student leaders to meet and ask questions. Our leaders also sought to meet and interact with us. It was most rewarding.
And what was the feeling then, and what did Merdeka mean to you?
Well a lot… we were students then, excited that we would be free of the colonial yoke. I was active on the international platform as at that time there were a lot of countries still not free from British and French colonial powers. We participated in demonstrations, forums and student activities. We were leaning towards Labour, which was ruling the UK then.
It was very exciting. In my case, I felt excited that now we had a chance to develop the country. Malaysians from all walks of life would be able to develop and participate in the country's development. This opened up new opportunities. For instance, we lagged behind in the field of education. We did not have many people to administer the country and we were fully aware that we were short of manpower.
The only way to upgrade ourselves was through education.
When did you actually take part in politics?
I would say when the visitors came to London, I was always actively involved in their work. The late Tunku always told me to do this and that. I joined Umno when I came back in 1962. Not many months after I joined Umno, I was elected divisional leader of Ulu Kelantan.
During Merdeka itself, you were in the UK?
Yes, in Belfast. I rarely came back.
When you came back, what did you do?
I came back when my father had a stroke. He passed away two days after I came back. I had plans to go back and finish my law. But before that, I went to see the Tunku, a friend of my father, to thank him for arranging an RMAF plane [to fly Tengku Razaleigh straight from Singapore to Kota Baru because of his father's condition]. The Tunku told me to stay back and help him reform Umno in Kelantan [Umno had lost to PAS in Kelantan then]. I told him I knew nothing of politics. I also told him about my intention to finish law. He told me it took him 25 years to finish his law [degree] and that I can wait for another 25 years.
But before I left the Residency [the Tunku's residence], he told me it was better that I go to the UN and get some exposure. So I was on a plane to the UN in early September. I remember that it was the 17th session of the UN general assembly. We had the Brunei rebellion and Cuban crisis. So, there went my law degree; I got embroiled in politics in Kelantan. I hardly came to Kuala Lumpur.
The chairman of the Indian Overseas Bank met me at a reception and offered me a significant block of shares and chairmanship of the bank. Here was my chance to own and participate in a bank. But Tun Razak got wind of it and told me 'no way' was I going to be the chairman of another bank as he wanted me to run Bank Bumiputra. I was already chairman of Bank Bumiputra then. I had earlier turned down the offer as I had told Tun Razak that I couldn't be in KL and also run Umno Kelantan. But Datuk Raslan [Abdullah], who was the first chairman of Bank Bumiputra, had a tragic accident and I was forced to take the job.
That was in 1969? Yes, after the riots.
So that is more or less your first government appointment? Yes. Tun Razak told me that I was destined to run this bank. I remember CIMB Bank was my bank in the early years. It was then known as Bian Chiang Bank when the owner Datuk Wee Hood Teck offered me 80% of the shares. It was cheap.
Somehow or other, word got to Tun Razak and he told me to give it to Umno. That was why it was passed to Umno. I had dealings with all the banks [merged under CIMB now] and it has become CIMB today and run by Tun Razak's son [laughter]. But I have no shares in anything… I sold everything.
Was Fleet Group formed then?
I had already formed Fleet Group to acquire The New Straits Times [group] from Singapore. It was because Tun Razak was under pressure from Umno Youth. Datuk Harun [Idris, the Umno Youth leader then] was going after him on why foreigners controlled the media in Malaysia.
So, your first business dealing for Umno was to bring back the New Straits Times into the party?
That is not correct. We had no intention to control businesses. But it so happened that to effect control of the New Straits Times, we either had to cancel the licence which Tun Razak would never do as he was a liberal or we had to buy it. But what I did was restructure the whole thing and relist where Umno owned 51%.
We had joint accounts with Singapore Straits Times on the advertising revenue. The identities were split, but on commercial matters we were run in consultation with one another to make it viable. Even editorially, although we did not follow Singapore leaders, it was done in consultancy.
Bank Bumiputra was formed in 1965?
Yes, as a result of the Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1965. I started it. I applied for the licence and recruited the staff. The first chairman was Raslan. I took over after he died.
What was the objective? Was it to lend credit to bumiputeras?
Like running a taxi, we cannot pick and choose our customers. It was the same thing with the bank. We opened our doors to everybody. But firstly, we wanted to familiarise the Malays with banking. Before Bank Bumiputra was established, not many had bank accounts. Some had never even set foot in a bank before.
Secondly, no Malays were employed in banks. Thirdly, there were not many Malays running businesses or had dealings with banks. We had the opportunity to educate and extend to them the instruments, but not to discriminate against others.
We also had to take care of shareholders' interest and make money if we want to move forward.
What was the objective after 1969?
It was the same but the focus was to train the Malays to become bankers.
But what would you say is your best contribution to the nation?
The manpower… we were able to train Malays in banking.
Exposing them as borrowers and depositors alone was not enough. We had to train them to become qualified bankers. So that they can sit at any table and talk banking and use the instruments the banks developed to finance deals they were supposed to handle. In that sense, we did contribute quite a lot because many young Malays with potential developed as new bankers and joined other banks.
They diffused into the system. But some banks did not like to recruit Malays although they were qualified and trained. This prompted me to acquire Malayan Banking Bhd. The training of manpower was not only to work in Malaysia but overseas. You can create and build assets but not human capital. In my first year in Petronas, I gave out 3,000 scholarships.
There was a run in Malayan Banking in 1966… It was before Bank Bumi was set up. There were problems in Malayan Banking because of some dealings then. Anyway, because the penetration of the Malays into banking did not work and the competition was mainly Chinese, Tun Razak said, 'Let's put this right'. I said we cannot put it right until we are able to get the Malays who are trained and qualified to go into the system. Otherwise, it will be difficult. Even if they enter at lower levels, it will take years before they can rise. So, that gave me the idea to acquire the biggest bank, which was Malayan Banking.
Pernas was formed then?
Pernas was formed after the second Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1968.
So, when did the deal between Pernas and Maybank take place?
It was in 1972… I acquired for Pernas from the open market less than 30% of Malayan Banking shares, but we effectively controlled the bank. We did not knock off anybody but slowly we got Bank Bumi staff to go into Maybank. We wanted to merge Bank Bumi and Maybank, but politically it was not right.
Firstly, it was Malays acquiring a Chinese bank, something that was not a good thing.
Secondly, Bank Bumi was formed out of a resolution of the Bumiputera Economic Congress and we thought maybe it would not be accepted by the Malays. So, we thought better to leave it as it is but get key people in there [Malayan Banking]. [The late Tan Sri] Khoo Teck Puat was still there as deputy chairman but slowly I was buying the shares from the market.
What did it cost at that time?
I can't remember. But it was much less. But during that time, I was also acquiring Sime Darby shares. The thinking was that it took Tun Razak a long time to grow rubber and oil palm through Felda. I said, 'Why take that long route?' Let's apply what the West had been doing and just take over Sime Darby, Guthrie, Highlands & Lowlands and London Tin, which we did.
Sime Darby was eventually a negotiated deal. It was not as acrimonious as Guthrie?
Yes, it was a negotiated deal when it came to board representation. We wanted BiWater (a UK-based company) to get out. Since we had controlling shares, we signalled to BiWater to get out. We ran the show but I never had any shares in any of the companies that we acquired for Pernas.
London Tin eventually became MMC [Malaysia Mining Corp]?
All the large mines [in Malaysia] were owned by one big company in London. When I talked to these directors [about buying them over], I remember bringing Ananda Krishnan along. These were old people who could hardly hear. Ananda remarked to me that it should have happened a long time ago.
What was Ananda Krishnan's role?
He was my nominee to see how the deal could be finalised. He was based in London and I only went there to see the merchant bankers and directors. All these happened in 1972 and 1973 before I got into Parliament in 1974. In 1974, I was busy with oil. Not only with the formation of Petronas but also negotiating with the oil companies.
The negotiations were tough, protracted. Can you tell us something about that?
I met Tun Razak one evening to ask for areas Shell had relinquished. Shell used to own all the concessions, given by the British, on our behalf without our consent. At that time, the price of oil was less than US$2.50 [per barrel], while the production cost was about US$7 to US$8. We did some brainstorming and forecast that the price of oil would rise. So, I went to Tun Razak and said, 'Why doesn't Umno apply for these concessions?' (Razaleigh was the Umno treasurer then.) So, we don't need to wait for donations if we could own the oil concessions. He told me to see him later.
That was the germination of the National Oil Corporation. The night after, I was at his house and he said, 'What do you think if we get all of the oil, not just what that has been relinquished, for us?' I was very excited as Umno was going to be a very rich party. But he said no and that it belongs to the country.
He told me to think of a corporation or company that could own all the concessions. I was taken aback. I said that is a tall order as the concession was with Shell. He also told me not to breathe a word of nationalisation as there was no money for it. Moreover, he said we wanted foreign capital, expertise and money to come to Malaysia.
We did not want to scare foreigners away. I was given the liberty to craft the law that would give us the power to negotiate [with the foreign oil companies]. Tun Razak told me to work with Tun Salleh Abbas [the solicitor-general then]. While drafting the Petroleum Development Act, from my experience with The New Straits Times, there was a clause in a memorandum of articles called 'management share'.
It means whoever owns the 'management share' controls the company. It is equivalent to 51%. The clause was smuggled into the draft and approved by the Cabinet. It empowered the government to form Petronas the minute the law was approved in Parliament.
Did you join the Cabinet then?
Tun Razak wanted me to join the Cabinet. I said give it to others who wanted to be ministers. This was the second time I was not keen. Tunku wanted me to join the Cabinet after I came back from New York, but he found that I was not eligible to be a senator because I was below 30. So, Tun Razak made me the chairman of Petronas with Cabinet ranking so that I would not lose out to the others in terms of seniority. By then, I was already an Umno vice-president.
What about the negotiations with the oil companies?
It is a long story… some of the oil companies used to put their feet on the table. They thought it was their oil… [they were] so rude and arrogant. So, I used to threaten them. I told them that I could own 51% of their company by buying one share in the company of theirs. It was a law in our country. Because of that, there were demands from the US that I be sacked as chairman of Petronas.
How did your entry into the Cabinet come about?
It was much later in 1976 when Tun Razak was very sick.
Did you know he was sick?
Yes, but nobody knew… not even his wife [Toh Puan] Rahah, who was with him. I was called to London. When I got there, he said he wanted to have a chat with me. Every day we used to have lunch and walked in the park. He was a worried man.
At that time, Tun Datu Mustapha (Datu Harun of Usno, Sabah) and Datuk Harun were giving him problems. He told me that the two were creating problems and that I must come into the Cabinet to resolve the problem.
This was because I was a good friend to both of them. I told him that I didn't think I could help and that was when he told me that he was dying. I said you must be joking but he then told me to see his doctor. His doctor came to see me two days before I left for Kuala Lumpur. The doctor told me that the prime minister could not go back. If he flew, he would die, and that he was suffering from acute leukaemia.
So your taking a post in the Cabinet coincided with Tun Razak passing away?
Yes. When Hussein formed the government, he persuaded me to accept the finance minister's post. Before the full Cabinet was formed, he called me again and asked me to be the deputy prime minister. I was the most senior vice-president. He (Hussein) said one thing against me was that I was not married. I was only 38 and a bachelor.
He (Hussein) asked me who between the two [Mahathir and Tun Ghafar Baba] was the best choice and I said Mahathir because he was the man of the future. The young would look up to him. Tunku was very unhappy.
The story that is commonly told is that Hussein wanted Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie to be the deputy prime minister but the three of you wanted him to choose either one of the vice-presidents.
No, that's not true. Ghafar, Mahathir and I met every evening together with Tun Abdul Rahman Yaakub (former chief minister and later governor of Sarawak) because of supporters pressuring us that we shouldn't allow Hussein to appoint Ghazali. It was the talk of the town. The rumour went to Hussein himself. Mahathir and Ghafar didn't want to go and see Hussein. Mahathir did not get along well with Hussein.
I knew Hussein well because we were in London together. So, I said why don't we all go and see Hussein. But before we got to sit down with him, Hussein said, 'Are you coming to talk to me about No 2?' He told us not to worry because he would choose from one of the vice-presidents. Hussein said I should be deputy prime minister but I said I was too young and not exposed enough. And that was why it went to Mahathir.
Can we talk about the BMF scandal?
Yes, not a problem. We decided to have a Bank Bumi branch in Hong Kong but the laws there could not give us a licence to operate a branch. But we could provide financial services if we opened a bank similar to that in Hong Kong. That was how Bumiputra Finance was formed. This was before I left to become finance minister.
As soon as it was incorporated, I left. That was in March 1976. I knew people were accusing me. I was sure there was some hanky-panky in the dealings between the finance company and the borrower. But the cause of the losses was not because of hanky-panky alone. It was because of [former British Prime Minister] Margaret Thatcher who announced after a meeting with the leadership in Peking that Hong Kong would be handed back to China soon. Property prices crashed.
But why was BMF lending so much in Hong Kong?
It lent more than its shareholders' funds. Yes, it should not have done that. But everybody who lent in Hong Kong was lending big, including Hong Kong Bank, to the same people. It was a matter of judgement, I supposed. But if there was any hanky-panky, I would not know except for the report by [former attorney-general Tan Sri] Ahmad Noordin.
What about Permodalan Nasional Bhd? Were you responsible for it?
No, it was the brainchild of Mahathir. Tun Ismail Ali set up the modus operandi. It was set up because we floated a few unit trusts and found that all failed. When we launched one new unit trust, the funds switched to the new ones. In the end, the unit trusts never got anywhere. We reformed and refined that with the help of consultants from the UK.
During your tenure as finance minister, what do you think was the greatest challenge?
I think it was to control expenditure. Everybody wanted to spend money.
In the later part of your tenure, you were said to be spending too much, especially in the 1980s.
We did not spend any at all because we had no money. In fact, I was guilty of controlling development expenditure. I wanted to get out of deficit because of too much spending. During that time, the ringgit was strong and yet we were able to push exports up.
What happened in 1984 when Mahathir replaced you with Daim?
Did he ever indicate to you why he wanted to replace you?
I was very strict with the spending. I was even against the spending on Penang Bridge. He wanted to telescope the expenditure within three years. I said you couldn't do that. You could borrow but how do we pay?
Could the 1985 recession have been avoided?
Not possible because it was global. The US and Europe were down while Japan was sputtering. For a small country like us depending on exports, we could not do much.
The first IMP [Industrial Master Plan] was only conceptualised in the mid-1980s.
Subsequent to that, the government changed the policies and went into heavy industries. Do you think that was the correct move?
Yes and no. What was the purpose of heavy industry? The objective must be very clear. Of course, we need to have one, but not on the scale that we have. We had debts of RM19 billion because of Perwaja [Steel]. Because of Perwaja, we had to impose taxes on the import of iron because we wanted to support the price of billets. We had to up the price of iron and rods domestically, which actually became a cost to housebuyers. That was my argument. Why do we need all these things?
The same for cars?
I think it was a drain on resources, especially when we had limited financial resources. Until and unless we were able to find a way to market our product, I think we should not drain our resources. The best thing that came to us was palm oil. It provided employment and foreign exchange.
So, you think we should have stuck to commodities?
No, I am not saying that. We should diversify. We needed to create jobs for the young. But we must pick the right kind of industries. Not something that we had to compete with the big countries. No way could we compete with them. There were ways to do it. You must have an objective. For me, the first objective should be to raise the standard of living. If that [heavy industries] was going to be a burden, it served no purpose. Our obligation was to our people.
What do you think of the NEP?
I am for it.
Were you part of the team that formulated the NEP?
I won't say I was involved in the formulation. I was involved in discussion and implementing the policy. The Malays were the majority and were left out by the British. You cannot leave the Malays in the paddy fields and woods. You must bring them into the mainstream. The areas where the Malays were, the income was low.
You must bring them over into the modern sector. How do we come in when all things were in the hands of others? You cannot go, Robin Hood-style, taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair, and we cannot be unfair. When the economy is growing, why not share it. If you had joint ventures with others, why couldn't you have joint ventures with local Malays? Let's share the wealth under the Malaysian sun. I believe in the NEP. Of course, down the line there were people who abused it.
There is abuse of NEP?
I won't say abuse of NEP but facilities given to them. It was not just the contracts. Even on jobs, if the Malays could get an easy way out, they would take it. This is the market… there is no way we can control that. I know people are very much against it. But to me if there was no NEP, it was going to be very much difficult for the country.
The PNB [Permodalan Nasional Bhd] is a success story on keeping shares within, but the same cannot be replicated by individuals given share allocations. Everybody sells because of profits. Even the Chinese do it but their profits are larger because they can hold on to the shares.
Do you think the NEP became too obsessed with the 30% equity instead of its original targets?
Some people are obsessed but some are not. When I was at Bank Bumi, I did not impose such conditions.
So going forward you think the NEP in its present form should not be changed?
No, I think we should refine it.
What should be changed?
In my speech in Parliament when [Datuk Seri] Abdullah [Ahmad Badawi] became Prime Minster, I said at lower levels the privileges (of affirmative policies) should be extended to everybody (regardless of race). I did not define it. At the higher level, we can only extend (such privileges) to the Malays. There should not be any abuse. Getting the licences and leasing them out is not acceptable. If they are not prepared to work, they should be deprived of it.
But what is the argument for extending it to the people already at the higher level?
Where are the Malays involved? In what sectors of the economy are they involved ? Now they have gone into housing which was foreign to them. Now there is only [Tan Sri] Mustapha Kamal [of MK Land Bhd].
Individually, they are not into property development but PNB is one of the biggest developers. But PNB is not Malay.
It is an agency belonging to the government. Mustapha Kamal is a Malay but he owns it with the support of the PKNS. But how many Malays are there like him? There are only a few. But the Chinese, you can go around and look at the list of listed companies. There are so many of them. Unless there is some sort of an intervention, I think it is going to be very difficult for the future.
Who is the prime minister you admire most?
Tunku Abdul Rahman. I was close to him. I was also close to Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Razak. But the man I admired most as prime minister is Tunku.
Why?
He was visionary and caring as a leader. I think he discharged his responsibility very ably. I don't think you can find another leader like him. He had feeling for the people and was non-racial.
What are the major challenges for the country?
It's unity. That is why I emphasised the NEP. If the wealth of the country is not equally distributed in a manner that is fair together with the opportunities, then I think we have a serious problem. I think the government also should look at the education policy. It should be reformed. I think we should review because of globalisation and if we want to compete. I think the young could be trained.
Do you think we are ready to move away from the NEP?
I don't think so. I think it is going to be there for another 50 years or more. Don't be idealistic.
Tengku Razaleigh: Slightly less than 20 years old. I was doing my first degree in economics in London. I was in London representing the students.
Was there an opportunity to meet the leaders when they came there?
Yes… I met Tunku Abdul Rahman often, Tun Razak, Tun Sardon Jubir, who was a close family friend. As president of the students' union, I used to host talks and got student leaders to meet and ask questions. Our leaders also sought to meet and interact with us. It was most rewarding.
And what was the feeling then, and what did Merdeka mean to you?
Well a lot… we were students then, excited that we would be free of the colonial yoke. I was active on the international platform as at that time there were a lot of countries still not free from British and French colonial powers. We participated in demonstrations, forums and student activities. We were leaning towards Labour, which was ruling the UK then.
It was very exciting. In my case, I felt excited that now we had a chance to develop the country. Malaysians from all walks of life would be able to develop and participate in the country's development. This opened up new opportunities. For instance, we lagged behind in the field of education. We did not have many people to administer the country and we were fully aware that we were short of manpower.
The only way to upgrade ourselves was through education.
When did you actually take part in politics?
I would say when the visitors came to London, I was always actively involved in their work. The late Tunku always told me to do this and that. I joined Umno when I came back in 1962. Not many months after I joined Umno, I was elected divisional leader of Ulu Kelantan.
During Merdeka itself, you were in the UK?
Yes, in Belfast. I rarely came back.
When you came back, what did you do?
I came back when my father had a stroke. He passed away two days after I came back. I had plans to go back and finish my law. But before that, I went to see the Tunku, a friend of my father, to thank him for arranging an RMAF plane [to fly Tengku Razaleigh straight from Singapore to Kota Baru because of his father's condition]. The Tunku told me to stay back and help him reform Umno in Kelantan [Umno had lost to PAS in Kelantan then]. I told him I knew nothing of politics. I also told him about my intention to finish law. He told me it took him 25 years to finish his law [degree] and that I can wait for another 25 years.
But before I left the Residency [the Tunku's residence], he told me it was better that I go to the UN and get some exposure. So I was on a plane to the UN in early September. I remember that it was the 17th session of the UN general assembly. We had the Brunei rebellion and Cuban crisis. So, there went my law degree; I got embroiled in politics in Kelantan. I hardly came to Kuala Lumpur.
The chairman of the Indian Overseas Bank met me at a reception and offered me a significant block of shares and chairmanship of the bank. Here was my chance to own and participate in a bank. But Tun Razak got wind of it and told me 'no way' was I going to be the chairman of another bank as he wanted me to run Bank Bumiputra. I was already chairman of Bank Bumiputra then. I had earlier turned down the offer as I had told Tun Razak that I couldn't be in KL and also run Umno Kelantan. But Datuk Raslan [Abdullah], who was the first chairman of Bank Bumiputra, had a tragic accident and I was forced to take the job.
That was in 1969? Yes, after the riots.
So that is more or less your first government appointment? Yes. Tun Razak told me that I was destined to run this bank. I remember CIMB Bank was my bank in the early years. It was then known as Bian Chiang Bank when the owner Datuk Wee Hood Teck offered me 80% of the shares. It was cheap.
Somehow or other, word got to Tun Razak and he told me to give it to Umno. That was why it was passed to Umno. I had dealings with all the banks [merged under CIMB now] and it has become CIMB today and run by Tun Razak's son [laughter]. But I have no shares in anything… I sold everything.
Was Fleet Group formed then?
I had already formed Fleet Group to acquire The New Straits Times [group] from Singapore. It was because Tun Razak was under pressure from Umno Youth. Datuk Harun [Idris, the Umno Youth leader then] was going after him on why foreigners controlled the media in Malaysia.
So, your first business dealing for Umno was to bring back the New Straits Times into the party?
That is not correct. We had no intention to control businesses. But it so happened that to effect control of the New Straits Times, we either had to cancel the licence which Tun Razak would never do as he was a liberal or we had to buy it. But what I did was restructure the whole thing and relist where Umno owned 51%.
We had joint accounts with Singapore Straits Times on the advertising revenue. The identities were split, but on commercial matters we were run in consultation with one another to make it viable. Even editorially, although we did not follow Singapore leaders, it was done in consultancy.
Bank Bumiputra was formed in 1965?
Yes, as a result of the Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1965. I started it. I applied for the licence and recruited the staff. The first chairman was Raslan. I took over after he died.
What was the objective? Was it to lend credit to bumiputeras?
Like running a taxi, we cannot pick and choose our customers. It was the same thing with the bank. We opened our doors to everybody. But firstly, we wanted to familiarise the Malays with banking. Before Bank Bumiputra was established, not many had bank accounts. Some had never even set foot in a bank before.
Secondly, no Malays were employed in banks. Thirdly, there were not many Malays running businesses or had dealings with banks. We had the opportunity to educate and extend to them the instruments, but not to discriminate against others.
We also had to take care of shareholders' interest and make money if we want to move forward.
What was the objective after 1969?
It was the same but the focus was to train the Malays to become bankers.
But what would you say is your best contribution to the nation?
The manpower… we were able to train Malays in banking.
Exposing them as borrowers and depositors alone was not enough. We had to train them to become qualified bankers. So that they can sit at any table and talk banking and use the instruments the banks developed to finance deals they were supposed to handle. In that sense, we did contribute quite a lot because many young Malays with potential developed as new bankers and joined other banks.
They diffused into the system. But some banks did not like to recruit Malays although they were qualified and trained. This prompted me to acquire Malayan Banking Bhd. The training of manpower was not only to work in Malaysia but overseas. You can create and build assets but not human capital. In my first year in Petronas, I gave out 3,000 scholarships.
There was a run in Malayan Banking in 1966… It was before Bank Bumi was set up. There were problems in Malayan Banking because of some dealings then. Anyway, because the penetration of the Malays into banking did not work and the competition was mainly Chinese, Tun Razak said, 'Let's put this right'. I said we cannot put it right until we are able to get the Malays who are trained and qualified to go into the system. Otherwise, it will be difficult. Even if they enter at lower levels, it will take years before they can rise. So, that gave me the idea to acquire the biggest bank, which was Malayan Banking.
Pernas was formed then?
Pernas was formed after the second Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1968.
So, when did the deal between Pernas and Maybank take place?
It was in 1972… I acquired for Pernas from the open market less than 30% of Malayan Banking shares, but we effectively controlled the bank. We did not knock off anybody but slowly we got Bank Bumi staff to go into Maybank. We wanted to merge Bank Bumi and Maybank, but politically it was not right.
Firstly, it was Malays acquiring a Chinese bank, something that was not a good thing.
Secondly, Bank Bumi was formed out of a resolution of the Bumiputera Economic Congress and we thought maybe it would not be accepted by the Malays. So, we thought better to leave it as it is but get key people in there [Malayan Banking]. [The late Tan Sri] Khoo Teck Puat was still there as deputy chairman but slowly I was buying the shares from the market.
What did it cost at that time?
I can't remember. But it was much less. But during that time, I was also acquiring Sime Darby shares. The thinking was that it took Tun Razak a long time to grow rubber and oil palm through Felda. I said, 'Why take that long route?' Let's apply what the West had been doing and just take over Sime Darby, Guthrie, Highlands & Lowlands and London Tin, which we did.
Sime Darby was eventually a negotiated deal. It was not as acrimonious as Guthrie?
Yes, it was a negotiated deal when it came to board representation. We wanted BiWater (a UK-based company) to get out. Since we had controlling shares, we signalled to BiWater to get out. We ran the show but I never had any shares in any of the companies that we acquired for Pernas.
London Tin eventually became MMC [Malaysia Mining Corp]?
All the large mines [in Malaysia] were owned by one big company in London. When I talked to these directors [about buying them over], I remember bringing Ananda Krishnan along. These were old people who could hardly hear. Ananda remarked to me that it should have happened a long time ago.
What was Ananda Krishnan's role?
He was my nominee to see how the deal could be finalised. He was based in London and I only went there to see the merchant bankers and directors. All these happened in 1972 and 1973 before I got into Parliament in 1974. In 1974, I was busy with oil. Not only with the formation of Petronas but also negotiating with the oil companies.
The negotiations were tough, protracted. Can you tell us something about that?
I met Tun Razak one evening to ask for areas Shell had relinquished. Shell used to own all the concessions, given by the British, on our behalf without our consent. At that time, the price of oil was less than US$2.50 [per barrel], while the production cost was about US$7 to US$8. We did some brainstorming and forecast that the price of oil would rise. So, I went to Tun Razak and said, 'Why doesn't Umno apply for these concessions?' (Razaleigh was the Umno treasurer then.) So, we don't need to wait for donations if we could own the oil concessions. He told me to see him later.
That was the germination of the National Oil Corporation. The night after, I was at his house and he said, 'What do you think if we get all of the oil, not just what that has been relinquished, for us?' I was very excited as Umno was going to be a very rich party. But he said no and that it belongs to the country.
He told me to think of a corporation or company that could own all the concessions. I was taken aback. I said that is a tall order as the concession was with Shell. He also told me not to breathe a word of nationalisation as there was no money for it. Moreover, he said we wanted foreign capital, expertise and money to come to Malaysia.
We did not want to scare foreigners away. I was given the liberty to craft the law that would give us the power to negotiate [with the foreign oil companies]. Tun Razak told me to work with Tun Salleh Abbas [the solicitor-general then]. While drafting the Petroleum Development Act, from my experience with The New Straits Times, there was a clause in a memorandum of articles called 'management share'.
It means whoever owns the 'management share' controls the company. It is equivalent to 51%. The clause was smuggled into the draft and approved by the Cabinet. It empowered the government to form Petronas the minute the law was approved in Parliament.
Did you join the Cabinet then?
Tun Razak wanted me to join the Cabinet. I said give it to others who wanted to be ministers. This was the second time I was not keen. Tunku wanted me to join the Cabinet after I came back from New York, but he found that I was not eligible to be a senator because I was below 30. So, Tun Razak made me the chairman of Petronas with Cabinet ranking so that I would not lose out to the others in terms of seniority. By then, I was already an Umno vice-president.
What about the negotiations with the oil companies?
It is a long story… some of the oil companies used to put their feet on the table. They thought it was their oil… [they were] so rude and arrogant. So, I used to threaten them. I told them that I could own 51% of their company by buying one share in the company of theirs. It was a law in our country. Because of that, there were demands from the US that I be sacked as chairman of Petronas.
How did your entry into the Cabinet come about?
It was much later in 1976 when Tun Razak was very sick.
Did you know he was sick?
Yes, but nobody knew… not even his wife [Toh Puan] Rahah, who was with him. I was called to London. When I got there, he said he wanted to have a chat with me. Every day we used to have lunch and walked in the park. He was a worried man.
At that time, Tun Datu Mustapha (Datu Harun of Usno, Sabah) and Datuk Harun were giving him problems. He told me that the two were creating problems and that I must come into the Cabinet to resolve the problem.
This was because I was a good friend to both of them. I told him that I didn't think I could help and that was when he told me that he was dying. I said you must be joking but he then told me to see his doctor. His doctor came to see me two days before I left for Kuala Lumpur. The doctor told me that the prime minister could not go back. If he flew, he would die, and that he was suffering from acute leukaemia.
So your taking a post in the Cabinet coincided with Tun Razak passing away?
Yes. When Hussein formed the government, he persuaded me to accept the finance minister's post. Before the full Cabinet was formed, he called me again and asked me to be the deputy prime minister. I was the most senior vice-president. He (Hussein) said one thing against me was that I was not married. I was only 38 and a bachelor.
He (Hussein) asked me who between the two [Mahathir and Tun Ghafar Baba] was the best choice and I said Mahathir because he was the man of the future. The young would look up to him. Tunku was very unhappy.
The story that is commonly told is that Hussein wanted Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie to be the deputy prime minister but the three of you wanted him to choose either one of the vice-presidents.
No, that's not true. Ghafar, Mahathir and I met every evening together with Tun Abdul Rahman Yaakub (former chief minister and later governor of Sarawak) because of supporters pressuring us that we shouldn't allow Hussein to appoint Ghazali. It was the talk of the town. The rumour went to Hussein himself. Mahathir and Ghafar didn't want to go and see Hussein. Mahathir did not get along well with Hussein.
I knew Hussein well because we were in London together. So, I said why don't we all go and see Hussein. But before we got to sit down with him, Hussein said, 'Are you coming to talk to me about No 2?' He told us not to worry because he would choose from one of the vice-presidents. Hussein said I should be deputy prime minister but I said I was too young and not exposed enough. And that was why it went to Mahathir.
Can we talk about the BMF scandal?
Yes, not a problem. We decided to have a Bank Bumi branch in Hong Kong but the laws there could not give us a licence to operate a branch. But we could provide financial services if we opened a bank similar to that in Hong Kong. That was how Bumiputra Finance was formed. This was before I left to become finance minister.
As soon as it was incorporated, I left. That was in March 1976. I knew people were accusing me. I was sure there was some hanky-panky in the dealings between the finance company and the borrower. But the cause of the losses was not because of hanky-panky alone. It was because of [former British Prime Minister] Margaret Thatcher who announced after a meeting with the leadership in Peking that Hong Kong would be handed back to China soon. Property prices crashed.
But why was BMF lending so much in Hong Kong?
It lent more than its shareholders' funds. Yes, it should not have done that. But everybody who lent in Hong Kong was lending big, including Hong Kong Bank, to the same people. It was a matter of judgement, I supposed. But if there was any hanky-panky, I would not know except for the report by [former attorney-general Tan Sri] Ahmad Noordin.
What about Permodalan Nasional Bhd? Were you responsible for it?
No, it was the brainchild of Mahathir. Tun Ismail Ali set up the modus operandi. It was set up because we floated a few unit trusts and found that all failed. When we launched one new unit trust, the funds switched to the new ones. In the end, the unit trusts never got anywhere. We reformed and refined that with the help of consultants from the UK.
During your tenure as finance minister, what do you think was the greatest challenge?
I think it was to control expenditure. Everybody wanted to spend money.
In the later part of your tenure, you were said to be spending too much, especially in the 1980s.
We did not spend any at all because we had no money. In fact, I was guilty of controlling development expenditure. I wanted to get out of deficit because of too much spending. During that time, the ringgit was strong and yet we were able to push exports up.
What happened in 1984 when Mahathir replaced you with Daim?
Did he ever indicate to you why he wanted to replace you?
I was very strict with the spending. I was even against the spending on Penang Bridge. He wanted to telescope the expenditure within three years. I said you couldn't do that. You could borrow but how do we pay?
Could the 1985 recession have been avoided?
Not possible because it was global. The US and Europe were down while Japan was sputtering. For a small country like us depending on exports, we could not do much.
The first IMP [Industrial Master Plan] was only conceptualised in the mid-1980s.
Subsequent to that, the government changed the policies and went into heavy industries. Do you think that was the correct move?
Yes and no. What was the purpose of heavy industry? The objective must be very clear. Of course, we need to have one, but not on the scale that we have. We had debts of RM19 billion because of Perwaja [Steel]. Because of Perwaja, we had to impose taxes on the import of iron because we wanted to support the price of billets. We had to up the price of iron and rods domestically, which actually became a cost to housebuyers. That was my argument. Why do we need all these things?
The same for cars?
I think it was a drain on resources, especially when we had limited financial resources. Until and unless we were able to find a way to market our product, I think we should not drain our resources. The best thing that came to us was palm oil. It provided employment and foreign exchange.
So, you think we should have stuck to commodities?
No, I am not saying that. We should diversify. We needed to create jobs for the young. But we must pick the right kind of industries. Not something that we had to compete with the big countries. No way could we compete with them. There were ways to do it. You must have an objective. For me, the first objective should be to raise the standard of living. If that [heavy industries] was going to be a burden, it served no purpose. Our obligation was to our people.
What do you think of the NEP?
I am for it.
Were you part of the team that formulated the NEP?
I won't say I was involved in the formulation. I was involved in discussion and implementing the policy. The Malays were the majority and were left out by the British. You cannot leave the Malays in the paddy fields and woods. You must bring them into the mainstream. The areas where the Malays were, the income was low.
You must bring them over into the modern sector. How do we come in when all things were in the hands of others? You cannot go, Robin Hood-style, taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair, and we cannot be unfair. When the economy is growing, why not share it. If you had joint ventures with others, why couldn't you have joint ventures with local Malays? Let's share the wealth under the Malaysian sun. I believe in the NEP. Of course, down the line there were people who abused it.
There is abuse of NEP?
I won't say abuse of NEP but facilities given to them. It was not just the contracts. Even on jobs, if the Malays could get an easy way out, they would take it. This is the market… there is no way we can control that. I know people are very much against it. But to me if there was no NEP, it was going to be very much difficult for the country.
The PNB [Permodalan Nasional Bhd] is a success story on keeping shares within, but the same cannot be replicated by individuals given share allocations. Everybody sells because of profits. Even the Chinese do it but their profits are larger because they can hold on to the shares.
Do you think the NEP became too obsessed with the 30% equity instead of its original targets?
Some people are obsessed but some are not. When I was at Bank Bumi, I did not impose such conditions.
So going forward you think the NEP in its present form should not be changed?
No, I think we should refine it.
What should be changed?
In my speech in Parliament when [Datuk Seri] Abdullah [Ahmad Badawi] became Prime Minster, I said at lower levels the privileges (of affirmative policies) should be extended to everybody (regardless of race). I did not define it. At the higher level, we can only extend (such privileges) to the Malays. There should not be any abuse. Getting the licences and leasing them out is not acceptable. If they are not prepared to work, they should be deprived of it.
But what is the argument for extending it to the people already at the higher level?
Where are the Malays involved? In what sectors of the economy are they involved ? Now they have gone into housing which was foreign to them. Now there is only [Tan Sri] Mustapha Kamal [of MK Land Bhd].
Individually, they are not into property development but PNB is one of the biggest developers. But PNB is not Malay.
It is an agency belonging to the government. Mustapha Kamal is a Malay but he owns it with the support of the PKNS. But how many Malays are there like him? There are only a few. But the Chinese, you can go around and look at the list of listed companies. There are so many of them. Unless there is some sort of an intervention, I think it is going to be very difficult for the future.
Who is the prime minister you admire most?
Tunku Abdul Rahman. I was close to him. I was also close to Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Razak. But the man I admired most as prime minister is Tunku.
Why?
He was visionary and caring as a leader. I think he discharged his responsibility very ably. I don't think you can find another leader like him. He had feeling for the people and was non-racial.
What are the major challenges for the country?
It's unity. That is why I emphasised the NEP. If the wealth of the country is not equally distributed in a manner that is fair together with the opportunities, then I think we have a serious problem. I think the government also should look at the education policy. It should be reformed. I think we should review because of globalisation and if we want to compete. I think the young could be trained.
Do you think we are ready to move away from the NEP?
I don't think so. I think it is going to be there for another 50 years or more. Don't be idealistic.
NEP is here to stay but you cannot do it Robin Hood style - The Edge
Sept 2007: Merdeka Special: NEP is here to stay but you cannot do it Robin Hood-style
'The NEP [New Economic Policy] is going to be here for another 50 years or more. Don’t be idealistic." That was the closing quote from Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at the end of his 90-minute interview with The Edge.
The prince from Kelantan who charted Umno's path into the corporate world remains very much a strong advocate of affimative policies and believes that going forward, the country needs the NEP to keep the people together. But he says the present policies need some refining and have to be implemented fairly.
“You cannot go Robin Hood-style taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair and we cannot be unfair," says Tengku Razaleigh, who was the architect behind Umno's foray into the media and banking sectors. Although his views now are not often reported widely, that was not the case in the 1970s. Back then, his house in Jalan Langgak Golf, Ampang, was a hive of activity, bursting with Umno supporters.
For a good 25 years, he was seen as the prince destined to be the prime minister. He played a key role in Umno — breaking into the corporate world — and was credited with the training of bumiputeras in the fields of banking, and oil and gas. Tengku Razaleigh almost became prime minister in 1987. During Umno party elections that year, he lost to Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad by a mere 43 votes. When Mahathir sacked his deputy Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Razaleigh was again touted as the man likely to be the next prime minister. But it did not happen, although no one dares to say today that it will never happen, considering that the 70-year-old wily Razaleigh still commands a fair share of Umno grassroots support. But the chances have very much diminished.
In the late-1960s and 1970s, Tengku Razaleigh was considered the most powerful person within Umno after the prime minister. He was close to Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman and Tun Hussein Onn. He was instrumental in setting up Bank Bumiputra, and in Perbadanan Nasional Bhd (Pernas) taking control of Malayan Banking, Sime Darby and London Tin, which is now MMC Corp Bhd. Apart from these companies, Tengku Razaleigh, as the finance minister from 1976 to 1984, saw through the acrimonious takeover of Kumpulan Guthrie and Highlands & Lowlands.
More importantly, he was among the prime movers in establishing Petronas and ensuring that mineral resources, which were controlled by foreign oil majors, were in the hands of the government. If Tengku Razaleigh had wanted, he could have been the deputy prime minister in his mid-30s. When Hussein took over after Razak passed away, he was offered the No 2 job in the government. T
he only reservation that Hussein had about Razaleigh then was that he was a bachelor. But Razaleigh opted to stay single and instead told Hussein to offer the job to Mahathir. That was the beginning of the end of his tenure in the government. Tengku Razaleigh and Mahathir could not see eye-to-eye on government fiscal policies and in 1984, he was replaced by Tun Daim Zainuddin. '
Three years later, Razaleigh challenged Mahathir, lost and drifted further away from the prime ministership. In an extensive interview with M Shanmugam and P Gunasegaram , Tengku Razaleigh reminisces about the past, how he worked with former prime ministers and why the New Economic Policy is still needed.
'The NEP [New Economic Policy] is going to be here for another 50 years or more. Don’t be idealistic." That was the closing quote from Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at the end of his 90-minute interview with The Edge.
The prince from Kelantan who charted Umno's path into the corporate world remains very much a strong advocate of affimative policies and believes that going forward, the country needs the NEP to keep the people together. But he says the present policies need some refining and have to be implemented fairly.
“You cannot go Robin Hood-style taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair and we cannot be unfair," says Tengku Razaleigh, who was the architect behind Umno's foray into the media and banking sectors. Although his views now are not often reported widely, that was not the case in the 1970s. Back then, his house in Jalan Langgak Golf, Ampang, was a hive of activity, bursting with Umno supporters.
For a good 25 years, he was seen as the prince destined to be the prime minister. He played a key role in Umno — breaking into the corporate world — and was credited with the training of bumiputeras in the fields of banking, and oil and gas. Tengku Razaleigh almost became prime minister in 1987. During Umno party elections that year, he lost to Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad by a mere 43 votes. When Mahathir sacked his deputy Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Razaleigh was again touted as the man likely to be the next prime minister. But it did not happen, although no one dares to say today that it will never happen, considering that the 70-year-old wily Razaleigh still commands a fair share of Umno grassroots support. But the chances have very much diminished.
In the late-1960s and 1970s, Tengku Razaleigh was considered the most powerful person within Umno after the prime minister. He was close to Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman and Tun Hussein Onn. He was instrumental in setting up Bank Bumiputra, and in Perbadanan Nasional Bhd (Pernas) taking control of Malayan Banking, Sime Darby and London Tin, which is now MMC Corp Bhd. Apart from these companies, Tengku Razaleigh, as the finance minister from 1976 to 1984, saw through the acrimonious takeover of Kumpulan Guthrie and Highlands & Lowlands.
More importantly, he was among the prime movers in establishing Petronas and ensuring that mineral resources, which were controlled by foreign oil majors, were in the hands of the government. If Tengku Razaleigh had wanted, he could have been the deputy prime minister in his mid-30s. When Hussein took over after Razak passed away, he was offered the No 2 job in the government. T
he only reservation that Hussein had about Razaleigh then was that he was a bachelor. But Razaleigh opted to stay single and instead told Hussein to offer the job to Mahathir. That was the beginning of the end of his tenure in the government. Tengku Razaleigh and Mahathir could not see eye-to-eye on government fiscal policies and in 1984, he was replaced by Tun Daim Zainuddin. '
Three years later, Razaleigh challenged Mahathir, lost and drifted further away from the prime ministership. In an extensive interview with M Shanmugam and P Gunasegaram , Tengku Razaleigh reminisces about the past, how he worked with former prime ministers and why the New Economic Policy is still needed.
Monday, September 3, 2007
Kaitan Mongolia di Gua Musang?
30 Ogos Gua Musang - Mungkinkah ada kaitan diantara negara Mongolia dengan kawasan Parlimen Gua Musang? Itu persoalan yang dibangkitkan di fikiran penulis ketika meliputi Majlis Kemerdekaan ke50 di Peringkat Gua Musang tempohari.
Keadaan menjadi sedikit gamat di kalangan tetamu - tetamu kehormat termasuklah YBM Tengku Razaleigh, selaku Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, apabila Kumpulan Kebudayaan Kaum Tionghua mengumumkan untuk mempersembahkan tarian Mongolia sebagai salah satu persembahan untuk meraikan majlis kemerdekaan ke50 tempohari.
Yang pastinya, tiada kaitan antara kemerdekaan dan tarian Mongolia, akan tetapi semangat negara asal Altantunya Sharibuu telah dipersembahkan sebagai hiburan bersama dihadapan lebih 10,000 orang pengunjung. Tetapi tidak dapat dipastikan samada pemilihan tarian Mongolia menunjukkan satu "sense of humour" bagi pihak kaum Tionghua atau perkara - perkara lain.
Sebelum tarian Mongolia dipersembahkan, persembahan tarian naga telah dipersembahkan kepada YBM Tengku Razaleigh sebaik sahaja beliau tiba diperkarangan Dataran KESEDAR untuk merasmikan majlis tersebut.
"Pakatan antara kaum teras kemerdekaan negara"
30 Ogos, Gua Musang - Pakatan antara kaum yang kukuh adalah teras pencapaian kemerdekaan negara pada 31 Ogos 1957 dengan pimpinan Tunku Abdul Rahman selaku Perdana Menteri Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dari cengkaman penjajah British, ujar Tengku Razaleigh ketika merasmikan Majlis Sambutan Bulan Kemerdekaan ke50 Peringkat Gua Musang di Dataran Kesedar dihadapan lebih 10,000 orang pengunjung tempohari.
Beliau juga menambah pakatan antara kaum ini sangat kukuh walaupun secara individu tiada kekuatan yang dapat mengerunkan pihak penjajah, tetapi pakatan dan persefahaman antara kaum yang begitu hebat untuk mentadbir negara sendiri telah membuat pihak British yakin dengan pakatan tersebut.
Beliau juga menambah beliau berasa amat bertuah untuk rakyat Gua Musang yang menyokongnya dari dahulu lagi dan beliau akan berusaha untuk memastikan pemuda - pemudi Gua Musang akan mendapat peluang pekerjaan dan rakyat secara amnya dapat meningkatkan taraf hidup masing - masing.
Majlis ini dianjurkan oleh pejabat KESEDAR dengan kerjasama pejabat - pejabat agensi kerajaan di Gua Musang. Majlis ini dimulai dengan persembahan koir oleh KESEDAR, KEMAS dan PERKEP dan dikuti dengan persembahan kebudayaan kaum Tionghua. Diantara upacara tersebut, pertunjukan bunga api telah disaksikan dihadapan pengunjung yang ramai, yang tidak berganjak walaupun keadaan Dataran yang basah setelah hujan yang lebat.
Majlis diikuti dengan penyerahan jalur gemilang oleh pemuda - pemuda parti - parti politik termasuk UMNO, PAS dan KeAdilan yang diketuai oleh Sdr Bazlan Kamarudin selaku Ketua Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang.
Sebelum ucapan diberikan oleh YBM Tengku Razaleigh selaku Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, ucapan telah diberikan oleh Pengurus Besar KESEDAR dan Ketua Jajahan Gua Musang.
Antara - antara tetamu kehormat yang hadir ialah ADUN Nenggiri, Galas dan Paloh, OCPD Gua Musang, pengawai - pegawai kerajaan, pemimpin - pemimpin setempat serta wakil - wakil parti komponen Barisan Nasionla peringkat Gua Musang.
Beliau juga menambah pakatan antara kaum ini sangat kukuh walaupun secara individu tiada kekuatan yang dapat mengerunkan pihak penjajah, tetapi pakatan dan persefahaman antara kaum yang begitu hebat untuk mentadbir negara sendiri telah membuat pihak British yakin dengan pakatan tersebut.
Beliau juga menambah beliau berasa amat bertuah untuk rakyat Gua Musang yang menyokongnya dari dahulu lagi dan beliau akan berusaha untuk memastikan pemuda - pemudi Gua Musang akan mendapat peluang pekerjaan dan rakyat secara amnya dapat meningkatkan taraf hidup masing - masing.
Majlis ini dianjurkan oleh pejabat KESEDAR dengan kerjasama pejabat - pejabat agensi kerajaan di Gua Musang. Majlis ini dimulai dengan persembahan koir oleh KESEDAR, KEMAS dan PERKEP dan dikuti dengan persembahan kebudayaan kaum Tionghua. Diantara upacara tersebut, pertunjukan bunga api telah disaksikan dihadapan pengunjung yang ramai, yang tidak berganjak walaupun keadaan Dataran yang basah setelah hujan yang lebat.
Majlis diikuti dengan penyerahan jalur gemilang oleh pemuda - pemuda parti - parti politik termasuk UMNO, PAS dan KeAdilan yang diketuai oleh Sdr Bazlan Kamarudin selaku Ketua Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang.
Sebelum ucapan diberikan oleh YBM Tengku Razaleigh selaku Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, ucapan telah diberikan oleh Pengurus Besar KESEDAR dan Ketua Jajahan Gua Musang.
Antara - antara tetamu kehormat yang hadir ialah ADUN Nenggiri, Galas dan Paloh, OCPD Gua Musang, pengawai - pegawai kerajaan, pemimpin - pemimpin setempat serta wakil - wakil parti komponen Barisan Nasionla peringkat Gua Musang.
Sunday, September 2, 2007
Foto - foto di majlis Solat hajat serta Tahlil sempena Sambutan Kemerdekaan
30 Ogos, Gua Musang - Pilihan foto -foto sempena Majlis Solat Hajat dan Tahlil sempena sambutan Kemerdekaan ke50 peringkat Jajahan Gua musang yamng diketuai oleg Al Fadhil Tuan Qadhi anjuran Ketua Jajahan Gua Musang.
Majlis ini bertempat di Masjid Tengku Muhammad Faiz Petra.
"Pemain tempatan mampu gilap bakat hingga ke peringkat nasional" ujar Tengku Razaleigh
30 Ogos, Gua Musang - Pemuda - pemuda Gua Musang yang mempunyai bakat dan keinginan serta iltizam yang tinggi boleh meningkatkan kebolehan mereka dengan bantuan kemudahan - kemudahan sukan yang sedia ada dan juga kemudahan yang bakal disediakan, iaitu kompleks sukan yang bernilai Rm 3 juta, ujar Tengku Razaleigh ketika merasmikan majlis penutupan Bola sepak Liga Ku Li tahun 2007 bertempat di Padang Pusat Sivik, Gua Musang.
Beliau juga berharap pemuda - pemudi dapat menggunakan peluang yang ada untuk mengilap bakat masing -masing dan beliau yakin sekiranya disemat dengan keazaman serta kesabaran, adalah tidak mustahil untuk melihat pemuda dari Gua Musang menyarung jersi kebangsaan kelak.
Beliau menambah sukan bolasepak negara yang kini berada didalam kegawatan di peringkat antarabangsa tidak lah boleh dijadikan satu alasan untuk pemuda yang meminati bolasepak untuk tidak terus berusaha untuk meningkatkan taraf bolasepak negara.
Program ini yang dianjurkan oleh Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang menyaksikan lebih 20 pasukan senior serta 10 pasukan tadika untuk merebut Piala Liga Ku Li. Pembarisan pasukan - pasukan ini telah diperiksa oleh YBM Tengku diiringi oleh Sdr Bazlan dan YB Mohamad Saufi.
Program ini dimulai degan ucapmula oleh Sdr Bazlan Kamarudin selaku Ketua Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang diikuti dengan ucapan oleh YB Mohamad Saufi Deraman, selaku ADUN Galas.
Pemenang Liga Ku Li untuk kategori senior pada tahun ini jatuh kepada pasukan Ciku -1 FC yang terdiri daripada pemain - pemain bolasepak amatur yang merupakan generasi ke2 dan ke 3 peneroka di rancangan Felda Ciku.
Untuk foto - foto tambahan, sila layari ke: http://www.flickr.com/photos/12336187@N06/
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