Starting before the flag-off
INSIGHT
By JOCELINE TAN
The general election is still a date in the near future but in Kelantan the battle for control of this highly-political state has begun in earnest.
DATUK Seri Annuar Musa was in his element addressing a close-door meeting of Umno grassroots leaders in Kelantan when he dropped a bombshell.
The Kelantan Umno leader said he was fed up of people thinking he would be the next Mentri Besar of Kelantan.
People say I am here (as Kelantan Umno chief) because I aspire to be Mentri Besar. Let me tell you that I sometimes feel like vomiting when people say I will be the next Mentri Besar,?he said.
Alwi: The Ketereh MP known for his dazzling oratory has been singled out as a potential Mentri Besar in the event of an Umno win.
Then he turned towards those seated on the stage and said that the best person for the job was Ketereh MP Datuk Alwi Che Ahmad.
Alwi's jaw visibly dropped, and everyone burst into laughter at his reaction.
But Annuar was dead serious: Why do you laugh? I am the state Umno liaison chief. I won say such things unless I have received the signal.?nbsp;
Alwi, who is also the state Umno information head, has since told people that he is not after the Mentri Besar post. Instead, he claimed that the more suitable candidate was Datuk Dr Awang Adek Hussin, the deputy state Umno chief.
As a Kelantanese, I must choose the best for my state. Awang Adek is better than me,?said Alwi.
But Awang Adek, who is also Deputy Finance Minister, said: am happy where I am.?nbsp;
Something strange is going on because Kelantan politicians, especially those from Umno, are rarely shy about claiming top posts.
Their opponents in PAS claim it is because Umno politicians know they are not going to win in Kelantan, hence there is no point jostling for something that will not be theirs.
For most other states, the election is still a date in the near future. But in Kelantan, the battle for control of the state has begun in some earnest. There are political ceramah every night.
Every week I go back to Kelantan I see new posters announcing ceramah here and there,?said an Umno political aide.
Husam: Nik Aziz wants this top-performing assemblyman as his successor but some in PAS are against it.
Kelantan is the most political state in the peninsula and the hot political question is the choice of Mentri Besar for whichever side wins.
However, Umno is not the only one struggling with a succession issue.
Not everyone in PAS shares Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat preference for Datuk Husam Musa, an economist by training, as his successor.
Some believe that Nik Aziz successor should be another true-blue ulama. Others disagree simply because they have their own camps of support.
There are people in PAS who are envious of Husam rapid rise in the party and the special bond he enjoys with the elderly Mursyidul Am or Spiritual Leader. They resent the fact that he wields so much influence over Nik Aziz and has become too powerful.
The anti-Husam faction in PAS is very real and intense. He feels the heat and finds it unbearable at times because it comes from friends in the jemaah (brethren),?said a long-time friend of Husam.
But Husam is clean, daring in his ideas and stands out as a strategist. Moreover, Nik Aziz has been known to refer to him as od gift to Kelantan?
Opposition to Tok Guru choice of successor is not a big thing. We intend to win again and Tok Guru will be the Mentri Besar but for how long, only God knows,?said a senior PAS politician in the state.
Meanwhile, the state government has been on an all-out effort to win hearts, announcing aid for single mothers, giving goats to farmers and constructing a racing circuit in Tanah Merah for motoring sports.
But the big hit has been the recently launched Takaful Kifalah or insurance scheme for senior citizens.
The scheme, open to all Kelantanese regardless of race or religion, has not only struck a chord with ordinary people but also the Palace. The Raja Perempuan has given the scheme her royal stamp of approval by launching it at four districts in the last two weeks.
Not to be outdone, Umno has drawn up a string of socio-economic programmes including a counter-insurance scheme that promises wider coverage and better payments.
Politics, like business, needs some competition for the good of the people.
Umno seems to be still adjusting to being the opposition while PAS seems to be suffering from the party-in-power syndrome.
These days, said a PAS political insider, when people talk about YBs going around in flashy cars and having several marriage certificates, it could mean politicians from either side of the divide.
And just as Umno used to be stuck with ageing wakil rakyat who refused to make way for new blood, PAS is also being dragged down by many ulama figures who do not understand that while religious credentials are important, serving the people is just as necessary.
People in Demit where I live complain that their YB (Datuk Mohamed Daud) is a religious man but does not bother to service his area,?said the political insider.
The elderly Demit assemblyman, better known as Mat Iraq because he studied in Baghdad, prefers to spend his time giving religious lectures and, despite rumblings on the grounds, has no plans to make way for someone more energetic.
Both sides are equally desperate to win Kelantan.
Umno top orator Alwi has told audiences at ceramah that all the factors are there for Umno to come back to power.
Umno, he said, has big development plans for the state, the government servants are happy, commodity prices are good and the palace is with Umno. appeal to you. Think about what we have to offer if you have good sense; look around you if you have eyes and listen closely if you have ears and you will surely support us,?he said.
However, some Umno politicians privately admit that if elections were held today, it would be able to hold on to only 17 of the 22 state seats that it now controls.
Earlier, talk that Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah would not be defending his Gua Musang seat in the general election had sent thrills through PAS. If that happened, the seat was as good as theirs.
Tengku Razaleigh is staying on. The PM has no plans to change things in Gua Musang,?said a Kelantan Umno source.
It is no secret that the royal politician and Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi have not had a comfortable relationship, and more so after Tengku Razaleigh offered himself to be nominated for the president post in the 2004 party polls.
But in recent months, there has been a go-between who has played a key role in smoothening ties between the two senior figures.
Tengku Razaleigh, said the source, is no longer any threat to the Umno leadership.
Rather, he is an iconic figure with vast experience and, given his standing as uncle to the Raja Perempuan, he is definitely someone Umno would want on its side.
Relations between Abdullah and Tengku Razaleigh have thawed considerably and both men have more in common than most people think. They come from a period when Malay society and politics were more open and share that same easy social grace and sense of style.
During an Umno meeting in Kelantan earlier this month, the Prince approached the Prime Minister and, with a broad smile and outstretched hand, said: believe Ihave yet to congratulate the new bridegroom.?
PAS leaders are very worried about the Eastern Corridor Development Project that the Prime Minister will soon launch.
They are unfazed by political issues and the tactics of local Umno leaders but big-time federal money and schemes are something else. PAS is in trouble if voters buy into this federal trump card.
Some say the social programmes that PAS has begun introducing may be too little too late.
Although Kota Baru is a thriving capital, rural poverty is a still a major problem in the state. Religious piety alone will not be enough for it to secure a strong mandate.
After 17 years, people expect something more concrete and specific. Our feet are not touching the ground nor are we anywhere near the sky. It not a nice feeling,?said an observer.
Friday, September 7, 2007
Detailed interview with The Edge, 3 Sept
The Edge: How old were you during Merdeka?
Tengku Razaleigh: Slightly less than 20 years old. I was doing my first degree in economics in London. I was in London representing the students.
Was there an opportunity to meet the leaders when they came there?
Yes… I met Tunku Abdul Rahman often, Tun Razak, Tun Sardon Jubir, who was a close family friend. As president of the students' union, I used to host talks and got student leaders to meet and ask questions. Our leaders also sought to meet and interact with us. It was most rewarding.
And what was the feeling then, and what did Merdeka mean to you?
Well a lot… we were students then, excited that we would be free of the colonial yoke. I was active on the international platform as at that time there were a lot of countries still not free from British and French colonial powers. We participated in demonstrations, forums and student activities. We were leaning towards Labour, which was ruling the UK then.
It was very exciting. In my case, I felt excited that now we had a chance to develop the country. Malaysians from all walks of life would be able to develop and participate in the country's development. This opened up new opportunities. For instance, we lagged behind in the field of education. We did not have many people to administer the country and we were fully aware that we were short of manpower.
The only way to upgrade ourselves was through education.
When did you actually take part in politics?
I would say when the visitors came to London, I was always actively involved in their work. The late Tunku always told me to do this and that. I joined Umno when I came back in 1962. Not many months after I joined Umno, I was elected divisional leader of Ulu Kelantan.
During Merdeka itself, you were in the UK?
Yes, in Belfast. I rarely came back.
When you came back, what did you do?
I came back when my father had a stroke. He passed away two days after I came back. I had plans to go back and finish my law. But before that, I went to see the Tunku, a friend of my father, to thank him for arranging an RMAF plane [to fly Tengku Razaleigh straight from Singapore to Kota Baru because of his father's condition]. The Tunku told me to stay back and help him reform Umno in Kelantan [Umno had lost to PAS in Kelantan then]. I told him I knew nothing of politics. I also told him about my intention to finish law. He told me it took him 25 years to finish his law [degree] and that I can wait for another 25 years.
But before I left the Residency [the Tunku's residence], he told me it was better that I go to the UN and get some exposure. So I was on a plane to the UN in early September. I remember that it was the 17th session of the UN general assembly. We had the Brunei rebellion and Cuban crisis. So, there went my law degree; I got embroiled in politics in Kelantan. I hardly came to Kuala Lumpur.
The chairman of the Indian Overseas Bank met me at a reception and offered me a significant block of shares and chairmanship of the bank. Here was my chance to own and participate in a bank. But Tun Razak got wind of it and told me 'no way' was I going to be the chairman of another bank as he wanted me to run Bank Bumiputra. I was already chairman of Bank Bumiputra then. I had earlier turned down the offer as I had told Tun Razak that I couldn't be in KL and also run Umno Kelantan. But Datuk Raslan [Abdullah], who was the first chairman of Bank Bumiputra, had a tragic accident and I was forced to take the job.
That was in 1969? Yes, after the riots.
So that is more or less your first government appointment? Yes. Tun Razak told me that I was destined to run this bank. I remember CIMB Bank was my bank in the early years. It was then known as Bian Chiang Bank when the owner Datuk Wee Hood Teck offered me 80% of the shares. It was cheap.
Somehow or other, word got to Tun Razak and he told me to give it to Umno. That was why it was passed to Umno. I had dealings with all the banks [merged under CIMB now] and it has become CIMB today and run by Tun Razak's son [laughter]. But I have no shares in anything… I sold everything.
Was Fleet Group formed then?
I had already formed Fleet Group to acquire The New Straits Times [group] from Singapore. It was because Tun Razak was under pressure from Umno Youth. Datuk Harun [Idris, the Umno Youth leader then] was going after him on why foreigners controlled the media in Malaysia.
So, your first business dealing for Umno was to bring back the New Straits Times into the party?
That is not correct. We had no intention to control businesses. But it so happened that to effect control of the New Straits Times, we either had to cancel the licence which Tun Razak would never do as he was a liberal or we had to buy it. But what I did was restructure the whole thing and relist where Umno owned 51%.
We had joint accounts with Singapore Straits Times on the advertising revenue. The identities were split, but on commercial matters we were run in consultation with one another to make it viable. Even editorially, although we did not follow Singapore leaders, it was done in consultancy.
Bank Bumiputra was formed in 1965?
Yes, as a result of the Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1965. I started it. I applied for the licence and recruited the staff. The first chairman was Raslan. I took over after he died.
What was the objective? Was it to lend credit to bumiputeras?
Like running a taxi, we cannot pick and choose our customers. It was the same thing with the bank. We opened our doors to everybody. But firstly, we wanted to familiarise the Malays with banking. Before Bank Bumiputra was established, not many had bank accounts. Some had never even set foot in a bank before.
Secondly, no Malays were employed in banks. Thirdly, there were not many Malays running businesses or had dealings with banks. We had the opportunity to educate and extend to them the instruments, but not to discriminate against others.
We also had to take care of shareholders' interest and make money if we want to move forward.
What was the objective after 1969?
It was the same but the focus was to train the Malays to become bankers.
But what would you say is your best contribution to the nation?
The manpower… we were able to train Malays in banking.
Exposing them as borrowers and depositors alone was not enough. We had to train them to become qualified bankers. So that they can sit at any table and talk banking and use the instruments the banks developed to finance deals they were supposed to handle. In that sense, we did contribute quite a lot because many young Malays with potential developed as new bankers and joined other banks.
They diffused into the system. But some banks did not like to recruit Malays although they were qualified and trained. This prompted me to acquire Malayan Banking Bhd. The training of manpower was not only to work in Malaysia but overseas. You can create and build assets but not human capital. In my first year in Petronas, I gave out 3,000 scholarships.
There was a run in Malayan Banking in 1966… It was before Bank Bumi was set up. There were problems in Malayan Banking because of some dealings then. Anyway, because the penetration of the Malays into banking did not work and the competition was mainly Chinese, Tun Razak said, 'Let's put this right'. I said we cannot put it right until we are able to get the Malays who are trained and qualified to go into the system. Otherwise, it will be difficult. Even if they enter at lower levels, it will take years before they can rise. So, that gave me the idea to acquire the biggest bank, which was Malayan Banking.
Pernas was formed then?
Pernas was formed after the second Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1968.
So, when did the deal between Pernas and Maybank take place?
It was in 1972… I acquired for Pernas from the open market less than 30% of Malayan Banking shares, but we effectively controlled the bank. We did not knock off anybody but slowly we got Bank Bumi staff to go into Maybank. We wanted to merge Bank Bumi and Maybank, but politically it was not right.
Firstly, it was Malays acquiring a Chinese bank, something that was not a good thing.
Secondly, Bank Bumi was formed out of a resolution of the Bumiputera Economic Congress and we thought maybe it would not be accepted by the Malays. So, we thought better to leave it as it is but get key people in there [Malayan Banking]. [The late Tan Sri] Khoo Teck Puat was still there as deputy chairman but slowly I was buying the shares from the market.
What did it cost at that time?
I can't remember. But it was much less. But during that time, I was also acquiring Sime Darby shares. The thinking was that it took Tun Razak a long time to grow rubber and oil palm through Felda. I said, 'Why take that long route?' Let's apply what the West had been doing and just take over Sime Darby, Guthrie, Highlands & Lowlands and London Tin, which we did.
Sime Darby was eventually a negotiated deal. It was not as acrimonious as Guthrie?
Yes, it was a negotiated deal when it came to board representation. We wanted BiWater (a UK-based company) to get out. Since we had controlling shares, we signalled to BiWater to get out. We ran the show but I never had any shares in any of the companies that we acquired for Pernas.
London Tin eventually became MMC [Malaysia Mining Corp]?
All the large mines [in Malaysia] were owned by one big company in London. When I talked to these directors [about buying them over], I remember bringing Ananda Krishnan along. These were old people who could hardly hear. Ananda remarked to me that it should have happened a long time ago.
What was Ananda Krishnan's role?
He was my nominee to see how the deal could be finalised. He was based in London and I only went there to see the merchant bankers and directors. All these happened in 1972 and 1973 before I got into Parliament in 1974. In 1974, I was busy with oil. Not only with the formation of Petronas but also negotiating with the oil companies.
The negotiations were tough, protracted. Can you tell us something about that?
I met Tun Razak one evening to ask for areas Shell had relinquished. Shell used to own all the concessions, given by the British, on our behalf without our consent. At that time, the price of oil was less than US$2.50 [per barrel], while the production cost was about US$7 to US$8. We did some brainstorming and forecast that the price of oil would rise. So, I went to Tun Razak and said, 'Why doesn't Umno apply for these concessions?' (Razaleigh was the Umno treasurer then.) So, we don't need to wait for donations if we could own the oil concessions. He told me to see him later.
That was the germination of the National Oil Corporation. The night after, I was at his house and he said, 'What do you think if we get all of the oil, not just what that has been relinquished, for us?' I was very excited as Umno was going to be a very rich party. But he said no and that it belongs to the country.
He told me to think of a corporation or company that could own all the concessions. I was taken aback. I said that is a tall order as the concession was with Shell. He also told me not to breathe a word of nationalisation as there was no money for it. Moreover, he said we wanted foreign capital, expertise and money to come to Malaysia.
We did not want to scare foreigners away. I was given the liberty to craft the law that would give us the power to negotiate [with the foreign oil companies]. Tun Razak told me to work with Tun Salleh Abbas [the solicitor-general then]. While drafting the Petroleum Development Act, from my experience with The New Straits Times, there was a clause in a memorandum of articles called 'management share'.
It means whoever owns the 'management share' controls the company. It is equivalent to 51%. The clause was smuggled into the draft and approved by the Cabinet. It empowered the government to form Petronas the minute the law was approved in Parliament.
Did you join the Cabinet then?
Tun Razak wanted me to join the Cabinet. I said give it to others who wanted to be ministers. This was the second time I was not keen. Tunku wanted me to join the Cabinet after I came back from New York, but he found that I was not eligible to be a senator because I was below 30. So, Tun Razak made me the chairman of Petronas with Cabinet ranking so that I would not lose out to the others in terms of seniority. By then, I was already an Umno vice-president.
What about the negotiations with the oil companies?
It is a long story… some of the oil companies used to put their feet on the table. They thought it was their oil… [they were] so rude and arrogant. So, I used to threaten them. I told them that I could own 51% of their company by buying one share in the company of theirs. It was a law in our country. Because of that, there were demands from the US that I be sacked as chairman of Petronas.
How did your entry into the Cabinet come about?
It was much later in 1976 when Tun Razak was very sick.
Did you know he was sick?
Yes, but nobody knew… not even his wife [Toh Puan] Rahah, who was with him. I was called to London. When I got there, he said he wanted to have a chat with me. Every day we used to have lunch and walked in the park. He was a worried man.
At that time, Tun Datu Mustapha (Datu Harun of Usno, Sabah) and Datuk Harun were giving him problems. He told me that the two were creating problems and that I must come into the Cabinet to resolve the problem.
This was because I was a good friend to both of them. I told him that I didn't think I could help and that was when he told me that he was dying. I said you must be joking but he then told me to see his doctor. His doctor came to see me two days before I left for Kuala Lumpur. The doctor told me that the prime minister could not go back. If he flew, he would die, and that he was suffering from acute leukaemia.
So your taking a post in the Cabinet coincided with Tun Razak passing away?
Yes. When Hussein formed the government, he persuaded me to accept the finance minister's post. Before the full Cabinet was formed, he called me again and asked me to be the deputy prime minister. I was the most senior vice-president. He (Hussein) said one thing against me was that I was not married. I was only 38 and a bachelor.
He (Hussein) asked me who between the two [Mahathir and Tun Ghafar Baba] was the best choice and I said Mahathir because he was the man of the future. The young would look up to him. Tunku was very unhappy.
The story that is commonly told is that Hussein wanted Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie to be the deputy prime minister but the three of you wanted him to choose either one of the vice-presidents.
No, that's not true. Ghafar, Mahathir and I met every evening together with Tun Abdul Rahman Yaakub (former chief minister and later governor of Sarawak) because of supporters pressuring us that we shouldn't allow Hussein to appoint Ghazali. It was the talk of the town. The rumour went to Hussein himself. Mahathir and Ghafar didn't want to go and see Hussein. Mahathir did not get along well with Hussein.
I knew Hussein well because we were in London together. So, I said why don't we all go and see Hussein. But before we got to sit down with him, Hussein said, 'Are you coming to talk to me about No 2?' He told us not to worry because he would choose from one of the vice-presidents. Hussein said I should be deputy prime minister but I said I was too young and not exposed enough. And that was why it went to Mahathir.
Can we talk about the BMF scandal?
Yes, not a problem. We decided to have a Bank Bumi branch in Hong Kong but the laws there could not give us a licence to operate a branch. But we could provide financial services if we opened a bank similar to that in Hong Kong. That was how Bumiputra Finance was formed. This was before I left to become finance minister.
As soon as it was incorporated, I left. That was in March 1976. I knew people were accusing me. I was sure there was some hanky-panky in the dealings between the finance company and the borrower. But the cause of the losses was not because of hanky-panky alone. It was because of [former British Prime Minister] Margaret Thatcher who announced after a meeting with the leadership in Peking that Hong Kong would be handed back to China soon. Property prices crashed.
But why was BMF lending so much in Hong Kong?
It lent more than its shareholders' funds. Yes, it should not have done that. But everybody who lent in Hong Kong was lending big, including Hong Kong Bank, to the same people. It was a matter of judgement, I supposed. But if there was any hanky-panky, I would not know except for the report by [former attorney-general Tan Sri] Ahmad Noordin.
What about Permodalan Nasional Bhd? Were you responsible for it?
No, it was the brainchild of Mahathir. Tun Ismail Ali set up the modus operandi. It was set up because we floated a few unit trusts and found that all failed. When we launched one new unit trust, the funds switched to the new ones. In the end, the unit trusts never got anywhere. We reformed and refined that with the help of consultants from the UK.
During your tenure as finance minister, what do you think was the greatest challenge?
I think it was to control expenditure. Everybody wanted to spend money.
In the later part of your tenure, you were said to be spending too much, especially in the 1980s.
We did not spend any at all because we had no money. In fact, I was guilty of controlling development expenditure. I wanted to get out of deficit because of too much spending. During that time, the ringgit was strong and yet we were able to push exports up.
What happened in 1984 when Mahathir replaced you with Daim?
Did he ever indicate to you why he wanted to replace you?
I was very strict with the spending. I was even against the spending on Penang Bridge. He wanted to telescope the expenditure within three years. I said you couldn't do that. You could borrow but how do we pay?
Could the 1985 recession have been avoided?
Not possible because it was global. The US and Europe were down while Japan was sputtering. For a small country like us depending on exports, we could not do much.
The first IMP [Industrial Master Plan] was only conceptualised in the mid-1980s.
Subsequent to that, the government changed the policies and went into heavy industries. Do you think that was the correct move?
Yes and no. What was the purpose of heavy industry? The objective must be very clear. Of course, we need to have one, but not on the scale that we have. We had debts of RM19 billion because of Perwaja [Steel]. Because of Perwaja, we had to impose taxes on the import of iron because we wanted to support the price of billets. We had to up the price of iron and rods domestically, which actually became a cost to housebuyers. That was my argument. Why do we need all these things?
The same for cars?
I think it was a drain on resources, especially when we had limited financial resources. Until and unless we were able to find a way to market our product, I think we should not drain our resources. The best thing that came to us was palm oil. It provided employment and foreign exchange.
So, you think we should have stuck to commodities?
No, I am not saying that. We should diversify. We needed to create jobs for the young. But we must pick the right kind of industries. Not something that we had to compete with the big countries. No way could we compete with them. There were ways to do it. You must have an objective. For me, the first objective should be to raise the standard of living. If that [heavy industries] was going to be a burden, it served no purpose. Our obligation was to our people.
What do you think of the NEP?
I am for it.
Were you part of the team that formulated the NEP?
I won't say I was involved in the formulation. I was involved in discussion and implementing the policy. The Malays were the majority and were left out by the British. You cannot leave the Malays in the paddy fields and woods. You must bring them into the mainstream. The areas where the Malays were, the income was low.
You must bring them over into the modern sector. How do we come in when all things were in the hands of others? You cannot go, Robin Hood-style, taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair, and we cannot be unfair. When the economy is growing, why not share it. If you had joint ventures with others, why couldn't you have joint ventures with local Malays? Let's share the wealth under the Malaysian sun. I believe in the NEP. Of course, down the line there were people who abused it.
There is abuse of NEP?
I won't say abuse of NEP but facilities given to them. It was not just the contracts. Even on jobs, if the Malays could get an easy way out, they would take it. This is the market… there is no way we can control that. I know people are very much against it. But to me if there was no NEP, it was going to be very much difficult for the country.
The PNB [Permodalan Nasional Bhd] is a success story on keeping shares within, but the same cannot be replicated by individuals given share allocations. Everybody sells because of profits. Even the Chinese do it but their profits are larger because they can hold on to the shares.
Do you think the NEP became too obsessed with the 30% equity instead of its original targets?
Some people are obsessed but some are not. When I was at Bank Bumi, I did not impose such conditions.
So going forward you think the NEP in its present form should not be changed?
No, I think we should refine it.
What should be changed?
In my speech in Parliament when [Datuk Seri] Abdullah [Ahmad Badawi] became Prime Minster, I said at lower levels the privileges (of affirmative policies) should be extended to everybody (regardless of race). I did not define it. At the higher level, we can only extend (such privileges) to the Malays. There should not be any abuse. Getting the licences and leasing them out is not acceptable. If they are not prepared to work, they should be deprived of it.
But what is the argument for extending it to the people already at the higher level?
Where are the Malays involved? In what sectors of the economy are they involved ? Now they have gone into housing which was foreign to them. Now there is only [Tan Sri] Mustapha Kamal [of MK Land Bhd].
Individually, they are not into property development but PNB is one of the biggest developers. But PNB is not Malay.
It is an agency belonging to the government. Mustapha Kamal is a Malay but he owns it with the support of the PKNS. But how many Malays are there like him? There are only a few. But the Chinese, you can go around and look at the list of listed companies. There are so many of them. Unless there is some sort of an intervention, I think it is going to be very difficult for the future.
Who is the prime minister you admire most?
Tunku Abdul Rahman. I was close to him. I was also close to Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Razak. But the man I admired most as prime minister is Tunku.
Why?
He was visionary and caring as a leader. I think he discharged his responsibility very ably. I don't think you can find another leader like him. He had feeling for the people and was non-racial.
What are the major challenges for the country?
It's unity. That is why I emphasised the NEP. If the wealth of the country is not equally distributed in a manner that is fair together with the opportunities, then I think we have a serious problem. I think the government also should look at the education policy. It should be reformed. I think we should review because of globalisation and if we want to compete. I think the young could be trained.
Do you think we are ready to move away from the NEP?
I don't think so. I think it is going to be there for another 50 years or more. Don't be idealistic.
Tengku Razaleigh: Slightly less than 20 years old. I was doing my first degree in economics in London. I was in London representing the students.
Was there an opportunity to meet the leaders when they came there?
Yes… I met Tunku Abdul Rahman often, Tun Razak, Tun Sardon Jubir, who was a close family friend. As president of the students' union, I used to host talks and got student leaders to meet and ask questions. Our leaders also sought to meet and interact with us. It was most rewarding.
And what was the feeling then, and what did Merdeka mean to you?
Well a lot… we were students then, excited that we would be free of the colonial yoke. I was active on the international platform as at that time there were a lot of countries still not free from British and French colonial powers. We participated in demonstrations, forums and student activities. We were leaning towards Labour, which was ruling the UK then.
It was very exciting. In my case, I felt excited that now we had a chance to develop the country. Malaysians from all walks of life would be able to develop and participate in the country's development. This opened up new opportunities. For instance, we lagged behind in the field of education. We did not have many people to administer the country and we were fully aware that we were short of manpower.
The only way to upgrade ourselves was through education.
When did you actually take part in politics?
I would say when the visitors came to London, I was always actively involved in their work. The late Tunku always told me to do this and that. I joined Umno when I came back in 1962. Not many months after I joined Umno, I was elected divisional leader of Ulu Kelantan.
During Merdeka itself, you were in the UK?
Yes, in Belfast. I rarely came back.
When you came back, what did you do?
I came back when my father had a stroke. He passed away two days after I came back. I had plans to go back and finish my law. But before that, I went to see the Tunku, a friend of my father, to thank him for arranging an RMAF plane [to fly Tengku Razaleigh straight from Singapore to Kota Baru because of his father's condition]. The Tunku told me to stay back and help him reform Umno in Kelantan [Umno had lost to PAS in Kelantan then]. I told him I knew nothing of politics. I also told him about my intention to finish law. He told me it took him 25 years to finish his law [degree] and that I can wait for another 25 years.
But before I left the Residency [the Tunku's residence], he told me it was better that I go to the UN and get some exposure. So I was on a plane to the UN in early September. I remember that it was the 17th session of the UN general assembly. We had the Brunei rebellion and Cuban crisis. So, there went my law degree; I got embroiled in politics in Kelantan. I hardly came to Kuala Lumpur.
The chairman of the Indian Overseas Bank met me at a reception and offered me a significant block of shares and chairmanship of the bank. Here was my chance to own and participate in a bank. But Tun Razak got wind of it and told me 'no way' was I going to be the chairman of another bank as he wanted me to run Bank Bumiputra. I was already chairman of Bank Bumiputra then. I had earlier turned down the offer as I had told Tun Razak that I couldn't be in KL and also run Umno Kelantan. But Datuk Raslan [Abdullah], who was the first chairman of Bank Bumiputra, had a tragic accident and I was forced to take the job.
That was in 1969? Yes, after the riots.
So that is more or less your first government appointment? Yes. Tun Razak told me that I was destined to run this bank. I remember CIMB Bank was my bank in the early years. It was then known as Bian Chiang Bank when the owner Datuk Wee Hood Teck offered me 80% of the shares. It was cheap.
Somehow or other, word got to Tun Razak and he told me to give it to Umno. That was why it was passed to Umno. I had dealings with all the banks [merged under CIMB now] and it has become CIMB today and run by Tun Razak's son [laughter]. But I have no shares in anything… I sold everything.
Was Fleet Group formed then?
I had already formed Fleet Group to acquire The New Straits Times [group] from Singapore. It was because Tun Razak was under pressure from Umno Youth. Datuk Harun [Idris, the Umno Youth leader then] was going after him on why foreigners controlled the media in Malaysia.
So, your first business dealing for Umno was to bring back the New Straits Times into the party?
That is not correct. We had no intention to control businesses. But it so happened that to effect control of the New Straits Times, we either had to cancel the licence which Tun Razak would never do as he was a liberal or we had to buy it. But what I did was restructure the whole thing and relist where Umno owned 51%.
We had joint accounts with Singapore Straits Times on the advertising revenue. The identities were split, but on commercial matters we were run in consultation with one another to make it viable. Even editorially, although we did not follow Singapore leaders, it was done in consultancy.
Bank Bumiputra was formed in 1965?
Yes, as a result of the Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1965. I started it. I applied for the licence and recruited the staff. The first chairman was Raslan. I took over after he died.
What was the objective? Was it to lend credit to bumiputeras?
Like running a taxi, we cannot pick and choose our customers. It was the same thing with the bank. We opened our doors to everybody. But firstly, we wanted to familiarise the Malays with banking. Before Bank Bumiputra was established, not many had bank accounts. Some had never even set foot in a bank before.
Secondly, no Malays were employed in banks. Thirdly, there were not many Malays running businesses or had dealings with banks. We had the opportunity to educate and extend to them the instruments, but not to discriminate against others.
We also had to take care of shareholders' interest and make money if we want to move forward.
What was the objective after 1969?
It was the same but the focus was to train the Malays to become bankers.
But what would you say is your best contribution to the nation?
The manpower… we were able to train Malays in banking.
Exposing them as borrowers and depositors alone was not enough. We had to train them to become qualified bankers. So that they can sit at any table and talk banking and use the instruments the banks developed to finance deals they were supposed to handle. In that sense, we did contribute quite a lot because many young Malays with potential developed as new bankers and joined other banks.
They diffused into the system. But some banks did not like to recruit Malays although they were qualified and trained. This prompted me to acquire Malayan Banking Bhd. The training of manpower was not only to work in Malaysia but overseas. You can create and build assets but not human capital. In my first year in Petronas, I gave out 3,000 scholarships.
There was a run in Malayan Banking in 1966… It was before Bank Bumi was set up. There were problems in Malayan Banking because of some dealings then. Anyway, because the penetration of the Malays into banking did not work and the competition was mainly Chinese, Tun Razak said, 'Let's put this right'. I said we cannot put it right until we are able to get the Malays who are trained and qualified to go into the system. Otherwise, it will be difficult. Even if they enter at lower levels, it will take years before they can rise. So, that gave me the idea to acquire the biggest bank, which was Malayan Banking.
Pernas was formed then?
Pernas was formed after the second Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1968.
So, when did the deal between Pernas and Maybank take place?
It was in 1972… I acquired for Pernas from the open market less than 30% of Malayan Banking shares, but we effectively controlled the bank. We did not knock off anybody but slowly we got Bank Bumi staff to go into Maybank. We wanted to merge Bank Bumi and Maybank, but politically it was not right.
Firstly, it was Malays acquiring a Chinese bank, something that was not a good thing.
Secondly, Bank Bumi was formed out of a resolution of the Bumiputera Economic Congress and we thought maybe it would not be accepted by the Malays. So, we thought better to leave it as it is but get key people in there [Malayan Banking]. [The late Tan Sri] Khoo Teck Puat was still there as deputy chairman but slowly I was buying the shares from the market.
What did it cost at that time?
I can't remember. But it was much less. But during that time, I was also acquiring Sime Darby shares. The thinking was that it took Tun Razak a long time to grow rubber and oil palm through Felda. I said, 'Why take that long route?' Let's apply what the West had been doing and just take over Sime Darby, Guthrie, Highlands & Lowlands and London Tin, which we did.
Sime Darby was eventually a negotiated deal. It was not as acrimonious as Guthrie?
Yes, it was a negotiated deal when it came to board representation. We wanted BiWater (a UK-based company) to get out. Since we had controlling shares, we signalled to BiWater to get out. We ran the show but I never had any shares in any of the companies that we acquired for Pernas.
London Tin eventually became MMC [Malaysia Mining Corp]?
All the large mines [in Malaysia] were owned by one big company in London. When I talked to these directors [about buying them over], I remember bringing Ananda Krishnan along. These were old people who could hardly hear. Ananda remarked to me that it should have happened a long time ago.
What was Ananda Krishnan's role?
He was my nominee to see how the deal could be finalised. He was based in London and I only went there to see the merchant bankers and directors. All these happened in 1972 and 1973 before I got into Parliament in 1974. In 1974, I was busy with oil. Not only with the formation of Petronas but also negotiating with the oil companies.
The negotiations were tough, protracted. Can you tell us something about that?
I met Tun Razak one evening to ask for areas Shell had relinquished. Shell used to own all the concessions, given by the British, on our behalf without our consent. At that time, the price of oil was less than US$2.50 [per barrel], while the production cost was about US$7 to US$8. We did some brainstorming and forecast that the price of oil would rise. So, I went to Tun Razak and said, 'Why doesn't Umno apply for these concessions?' (Razaleigh was the Umno treasurer then.) So, we don't need to wait for donations if we could own the oil concessions. He told me to see him later.
That was the germination of the National Oil Corporation. The night after, I was at his house and he said, 'What do you think if we get all of the oil, not just what that has been relinquished, for us?' I was very excited as Umno was going to be a very rich party. But he said no and that it belongs to the country.
He told me to think of a corporation or company that could own all the concessions. I was taken aback. I said that is a tall order as the concession was with Shell. He also told me not to breathe a word of nationalisation as there was no money for it. Moreover, he said we wanted foreign capital, expertise and money to come to Malaysia.
We did not want to scare foreigners away. I was given the liberty to craft the law that would give us the power to negotiate [with the foreign oil companies]. Tun Razak told me to work with Tun Salleh Abbas [the solicitor-general then]. While drafting the Petroleum Development Act, from my experience with The New Straits Times, there was a clause in a memorandum of articles called 'management share'.
It means whoever owns the 'management share' controls the company. It is equivalent to 51%. The clause was smuggled into the draft and approved by the Cabinet. It empowered the government to form Petronas the minute the law was approved in Parliament.
Did you join the Cabinet then?
Tun Razak wanted me to join the Cabinet. I said give it to others who wanted to be ministers. This was the second time I was not keen. Tunku wanted me to join the Cabinet after I came back from New York, but he found that I was not eligible to be a senator because I was below 30. So, Tun Razak made me the chairman of Petronas with Cabinet ranking so that I would not lose out to the others in terms of seniority. By then, I was already an Umno vice-president.
What about the negotiations with the oil companies?
It is a long story… some of the oil companies used to put their feet on the table. They thought it was their oil… [they were] so rude and arrogant. So, I used to threaten them. I told them that I could own 51% of their company by buying one share in the company of theirs. It was a law in our country. Because of that, there were demands from the US that I be sacked as chairman of Petronas.
How did your entry into the Cabinet come about?
It was much later in 1976 when Tun Razak was very sick.
Did you know he was sick?
Yes, but nobody knew… not even his wife [Toh Puan] Rahah, who was with him. I was called to London. When I got there, he said he wanted to have a chat with me. Every day we used to have lunch and walked in the park. He was a worried man.
At that time, Tun Datu Mustapha (Datu Harun of Usno, Sabah) and Datuk Harun were giving him problems. He told me that the two were creating problems and that I must come into the Cabinet to resolve the problem.
This was because I was a good friend to both of them. I told him that I didn't think I could help and that was when he told me that he was dying. I said you must be joking but he then told me to see his doctor. His doctor came to see me two days before I left for Kuala Lumpur. The doctor told me that the prime minister could not go back. If he flew, he would die, and that he was suffering from acute leukaemia.
So your taking a post in the Cabinet coincided with Tun Razak passing away?
Yes. When Hussein formed the government, he persuaded me to accept the finance minister's post. Before the full Cabinet was formed, he called me again and asked me to be the deputy prime minister. I was the most senior vice-president. He (Hussein) said one thing against me was that I was not married. I was only 38 and a bachelor.
He (Hussein) asked me who between the two [Mahathir and Tun Ghafar Baba] was the best choice and I said Mahathir because he was the man of the future. The young would look up to him. Tunku was very unhappy.
The story that is commonly told is that Hussein wanted Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie to be the deputy prime minister but the three of you wanted him to choose either one of the vice-presidents.
No, that's not true. Ghafar, Mahathir and I met every evening together with Tun Abdul Rahman Yaakub (former chief minister and later governor of Sarawak) because of supporters pressuring us that we shouldn't allow Hussein to appoint Ghazali. It was the talk of the town. The rumour went to Hussein himself. Mahathir and Ghafar didn't want to go and see Hussein. Mahathir did not get along well with Hussein.
I knew Hussein well because we were in London together. So, I said why don't we all go and see Hussein. But before we got to sit down with him, Hussein said, 'Are you coming to talk to me about No 2?' He told us not to worry because he would choose from one of the vice-presidents. Hussein said I should be deputy prime minister but I said I was too young and not exposed enough. And that was why it went to Mahathir.
Can we talk about the BMF scandal?
Yes, not a problem. We decided to have a Bank Bumi branch in Hong Kong but the laws there could not give us a licence to operate a branch. But we could provide financial services if we opened a bank similar to that in Hong Kong. That was how Bumiputra Finance was formed. This was before I left to become finance minister.
As soon as it was incorporated, I left. That was in March 1976. I knew people were accusing me. I was sure there was some hanky-panky in the dealings between the finance company and the borrower. But the cause of the losses was not because of hanky-panky alone. It was because of [former British Prime Minister] Margaret Thatcher who announced after a meeting with the leadership in Peking that Hong Kong would be handed back to China soon. Property prices crashed.
But why was BMF lending so much in Hong Kong?
It lent more than its shareholders' funds. Yes, it should not have done that. But everybody who lent in Hong Kong was lending big, including Hong Kong Bank, to the same people. It was a matter of judgement, I supposed. But if there was any hanky-panky, I would not know except for the report by [former attorney-general Tan Sri] Ahmad Noordin.
What about Permodalan Nasional Bhd? Were you responsible for it?
No, it was the brainchild of Mahathir. Tun Ismail Ali set up the modus operandi. It was set up because we floated a few unit trusts and found that all failed. When we launched one new unit trust, the funds switched to the new ones. In the end, the unit trusts never got anywhere. We reformed and refined that with the help of consultants from the UK.
During your tenure as finance minister, what do you think was the greatest challenge?
I think it was to control expenditure. Everybody wanted to spend money.
In the later part of your tenure, you were said to be spending too much, especially in the 1980s.
We did not spend any at all because we had no money. In fact, I was guilty of controlling development expenditure. I wanted to get out of deficit because of too much spending. During that time, the ringgit was strong and yet we were able to push exports up.
What happened in 1984 when Mahathir replaced you with Daim?
Did he ever indicate to you why he wanted to replace you?
I was very strict with the spending. I was even against the spending on Penang Bridge. He wanted to telescope the expenditure within three years. I said you couldn't do that. You could borrow but how do we pay?
Could the 1985 recession have been avoided?
Not possible because it was global. The US and Europe were down while Japan was sputtering. For a small country like us depending on exports, we could not do much.
The first IMP [Industrial Master Plan] was only conceptualised in the mid-1980s.
Subsequent to that, the government changed the policies and went into heavy industries. Do you think that was the correct move?
Yes and no. What was the purpose of heavy industry? The objective must be very clear. Of course, we need to have one, but not on the scale that we have. We had debts of RM19 billion because of Perwaja [Steel]. Because of Perwaja, we had to impose taxes on the import of iron because we wanted to support the price of billets. We had to up the price of iron and rods domestically, which actually became a cost to housebuyers. That was my argument. Why do we need all these things?
The same for cars?
I think it was a drain on resources, especially when we had limited financial resources. Until and unless we were able to find a way to market our product, I think we should not drain our resources. The best thing that came to us was palm oil. It provided employment and foreign exchange.
So, you think we should have stuck to commodities?
No, I am not saying that. We should diversify. We needed to create jobs for the young. But we must pick the right kind of industries. Not something that we had to compete with the big countries. No way could we compete with them. There were ways to do it. You must have an objective. For me, the first objective should be to raise the standard of living. If that [heavy industries] was going to be a burden, it served no purpose. Our obligation was to our people.
What do you think of the NEP?
I am for it.
Were you part of the team that formulated the NEP?
I won't say I was involved in the formulation. I was involved in discussion and implementing the policy. The Malays were the majority and were left out by the British. You cannot leave the Malays in the paddy fields and woods. You must bring them into the mainstream. The areas where the Malays were, the income was low.
You must bring them over into the modern sector. How do we come in when all things were in the hands of others? You cannot go, Robin Hood-style, taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair, and we cannot be unfair. When the economy is growing, why not share it. If you had joint ventures with others, why couldn't you have joint ventures with local Malays? Let's share the wealth under the Malaysian sun. I believe in the NEP. Of course, down the line there were people who abused it.
There is abuse of NEP?
I won't say abuse of NEP but facilities given to them. It was not just the contracts. Even on jobs, if the Malays could get an easy way out, they would take it. This is the market… there is no way we can control that. I know people are very much against it. But to me if there was no NEP, it was going to be very much difficult for the country.
The PNB [Permodalan Nasional Bhd] is a success story on keeping shares within, but the same cannot be replicated by individuals given share allocations. Everybody sells because of profits. Even the Chinese do it but their profits are larger because they can hold on to the shares.
Do you think the NEP became too obsessed with the 30% equity instead of its original targets?
Some people are obsessed but some are not. When I was at Bank Bumi, I did not impose such conditions.
So going forward you think the NEP in its present form should not be changed?
No, I think we should refine it.
What should be changed?
In my speech in Parliament when [Datuk Seri] Abdullah [Ahmad Badawi] became Prime Minster, I said at lower levels the privileges (of affirmative policies) should be extended to everybody (regardless of race). I did not define it. At the higher level, we can only extend (such privileges) to the Malays. There should not be any abuse. Getting the licences and leasing them out is not acceptable. If they are not prepared to work, they should be deprived of it.
But what is the argument for extending it to the people already at the higher level?
Where are the Malays involved? In what sectors of the economy are they involved ? Now they have gone into housing which was foreign to them. Now there is only [Tan Sri] Mustapha Kamal [of MK Land Bhd].
Individually, they are not into property development but PNB is one of the biggest developers. But PNB is not Malay.
It is an agency belonging to the government. Mustapha Kamal is a Malay but he owns it with the support of the PKNS. But how many Malays are there like him? There are only a few. But the Chinese, you can go around and look at the list of listed companies. There are so many of them. Unless there is some sort of an intervention, I think it is going to be very difficult for the future.
Who is the prime minister you admire most?
Tunku Abdul Rahman. I was close to him. I was also close to Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Razak. But the man I admired most as prime minister is Tunku.
Why?
He was visionary and caring as a leader. I think he discharged his responsibility very ably. I don't think you can find another leader like him. He had feeling for the people and was non-racial.
What are the major challenges for the country?
It's unity. That is why I emphasised the NEP. If the wealth of the country is not equally distributed in a manner that is fair together with the opportunities, then I think we have a serious problem. I think the government also should look at the education policy. It should be reformed. I think we should review because of globalisation and if we want to compete. I think the young could be trained.
Do you think we are ready to move away from the NEP?
I don't think so. I think it is going to be there for another 50 years or more. Don't be idealistic.
NEP is here to stay but you cannot do it Robin Hood style - The Edge
Sept 2007: Merdeka Special: NEP is here to stay but you cannot do it Robin Hood-style
'The NEP [New Economic Policy] is going to be here for another 50 years or more. Don’t be idealistic." That was the closing quote from Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at the end of his 90-minute interview with The Edge.
The prince from Kelantan who charted Umno's path into the corporate world remains very much a strong advocate of affimative policies and believes that going forward, the country needs the NEP to keep the people together. But he says the present policies need some refining and have to be implemented fairly.
“You cannot go Robin Hood-style taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair and we cannot be unfair," says Tengku Razaleigh, who was the architect behind Umno's foray into the media and banking sectors. Although his views now are not often reported widely, that was not the case in the 1970s. Back then, his house in Jalan Langgak Golf, Ampang, was a hive of activity, bursting with Umno supporters.
For a good 25 years, he was seen as the prince destined to be the prime minister. He played a key role in Umno — breaking into the corporate world — and was credited with the training of bumiputeras in the fields of banking, and oil and gas. Tengku Razaleigh almost became prime minister in 1987. During Umno party elections that year, he lost to Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad by a mere 43 votes. When Mahathir sacked his deputy Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Razaleigh was again touted as the man likely to be the next prime minister. But it did not happen, although no one dares to say today that it will never happen, considering that the 70-year-old wily Razaleigh still commands a fair share of Umno grassroots support. But the chances have very much diminished.
In the late-1960s and 1970s, Tengku Razaleigh was considered the most powerful person within Umno after the prime minister. He was close to Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman and Tun Hussein Onn. He was instrumental in setting up Bank Bumiputra, and in Perbadanan Nasional Bhd (Pernas) taking control of Malayan Banking, Sime Darby and London Tin, which is now MMC Corp Bhd. Apart from these companies, Tengku Razaleigh, as the finance minister from 1976 to 1984, saw through the acrimonious takeover of Kumpulan Guthrie and Highlands & Lowlands.
More importantly, he was among the prime movers in establishing Petronas and ensuring that mineral resources, which were controlled by foreign oil majors, were in the hands of the government. If Tengku Razaleigh had wanted, he could have been the deputy prime minister in his mid-30s. When Hussein took over after Razak passed away, he was offered the No 2 job in the government. T
he only reservation that Hussein had about Razaleigh then was that he was a bachelor. But Razaleigh opted to stay single and instead told Hussein to offer the job to Mahathir. That was the beginning of the end of his tenure in the government. Tengku Razaleigh and Mahathir could not see eye-to-eye on government fiscal policies and in 1984, he was replaced by Tun Daim Zainuddin. '
Three years later, Razaleigh challenged Mahathir, lost and drifted further away from the prime ministership. In an extensive interview with M Shanmugam and P Gunasegaram , Tengku Razaleigh reminisces about the past, how he worked with former prime ministers and why the New Economic Policy is still needed.
'The NEP [New Economic Policy] is going to be here for another 50 years or more. Don’t be idealistic." That was the closing quote from Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at the end of his 90-minute interview with The Edge.
The prince from Kelantan who charted Umno's path into the corporate world remains very much a strong advocate of affimative policies and believes that going forward, the country needs the NEP to keep the people together. But he says the present policies need some refining and have to be implemented fairly.
“You cannot go Robin Hood-style taking from some and giving to others. That is unfair and we cannot be unfair," says Tengku Razaleigh, who was the architect behind Umno's foray into the media and banking sectors. Although his views now are not often reported widely, that was not the case in the 1970s. Back then, his house in Jalan Langgak Golf, Ampang, was a hive of activity, bursting with Umno supporters.
For a good 25 years, he was seen as the prince destined to be the prime minister. He played a key role in Umno — breaking into the corporate world — and was credited with the training of bumiputeras in the fields of banking, and oil and gas. Tengku Razaleigh almost became prime minister in 1987. During Umno party elections that year, he lost to Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad by a mere 43 votes. When Mahathir sacked his deputy Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Razaleigh was again touted as the man likely to be the next prime minister. But it did not happen, although no one dares to say today that it will never happen, considering that the 70-year-old wily Razaleigh still commands a fair share of Umno grassroots support. But the chances have very much diminished.
In the late-1960s and 1970s, Tengku Razaleigh was considered the most powerful person within Umno after the prime minister. He was close to Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman and Tun Hussein Onn. He was instrumental in setting up Bank Bumiputra, and in Perbadanan Nasional Bhd (Pernas) taking control of Malayan Banking, Sime Darby and London Tin, which is now MMC Corp Bhd. Apart from these companies, Tengku Razaleigh, as the finance minister from 1976 to 1984, saw through the acrimonious takeover of Kumpulan Guthrie and Highlands & Lowlands.
More importantly, he was among the prime movers in establishing Petronas and ensuring that mineral resources, which were controlled by foreign oil majors, were in the hands of the government. If Tengku Razaleigh had wanted, he could have been the deputy prime minister in his mid-30s. When Hussein took over after Razak passed away, he was offered the No 2 job in the government. T
he only reservation that Hussein had about Razaleigh then was that he was a bachelor. But Razaleigh opted to stay single and instead told Hussein to offer the job to Mahathir. That was the beginning of the end of his tenure in the government. Tengku Razaleigh and Mahathir could not see eye-to-eye on government fiscal policies and in 1984, he was replaced by Tun Daim Zainuddin. '
Three years later, Razaleigh challenged Mahathir, lost and drifted further away from the prime ministership. In an extensive interview with M Shanmugam and P Gunasegaram , Tengku Razaleigh reminisces about the past, how he worked with former prime ministers and why the New Economic Policy is still needed.
Monday, September 3, 2007
Kaitan Mongolia di Gua Musang?
30 Ogos Gua Musang - Mungkinkah ada kaitan diantara negara Mongolia dengan kawasan Parlimen Gua Musang? Itu persoalan yang dibangkitkan di fikiran penulis ketika meliputi Majlis Kemerdekaan ke50 di Peringkat Gua Musang tempohari.
Keadaan menjadi sedikit gamat di kalangan tetamu - tetamu kehormat termasuklah YBM Tengku Razaleigh, selaku Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, apabila Kumpulan Kebudayaan Kaum Tionghua mengumumkan untuk mempersembahkan tarian Mongolia sebagai salah satu persembahan untuk meraikan majlis kemerdekaan ke50 tempohari.
Yang pastinya, tiada kaitan antara kemerdekaan dan tarian Mongolia, akan tetapi semangat negara asal Altantunya Sharibuu telah dipersembahkan sebagai hiburan bersama dihadapan lebih 10,000 orang pengunjung. Tetapi tidak dapat dipastikan samada pemilihan tarian Mongolia menunjukkan satu "sense of humour" bagi pihak kaum Tionghua atau perkara - perkara lain.
Sebelum tarian Mongolia dipersembahkan, persembahan tarian naga telah dipersembahkan kepada YBM Tengku Razaleigh sebaik sahaja beliau tiba diperkarangan Dataran KESEDAR untuk merasmikan majlis tersebut.
"Pakatan antara kaum teras kemerdekaan negara"
30 Ogos, Gua Musang - Pakatan antara kaum yang kukuh adalah teras pencapaian kemerdekaan negara pada 31 Ogos 1957 dengan pimpinan Tunku Abdul Rahman selaku Perdana Menteri Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dari cengkaman penjajah British, ujar Tengku Razaleigh ketika merasmikan Majlis Sambutan Bulan Kemerdekaan ke50 Peringkat Gua Musang di Dataran Kesedar dihadapan lebih 10,000 orang pengunjung tempohari.
Beliau juga menambah pakatan antara kaum ini sangat kukuh walaupun secara individu tiada kekuatan yang dapat mengerunkan pihak penjajah, tetapi pakatan dan persefahaman antara kaum yang begitu hebat untuk mentadbir negara sendiri telah membuat pihak British yakin dengan pakatan tersebut.
Beliau juga menambah beliau berasa amat bertuah untuk rakyat Gua Musang yang menyokongnya dari dahulu lagi dan beliau akan berusaha untuk memastikan pemuda - pemudi Gua Musang akan mendapat peluang pekerjaan dan rakyat secara amnya dapat meningkatkan taraf hidup masing - masing.
Majlis ini dianjurkan oleh pejabat KESEDAR dengan kerjasama pejabat - pejabat agensi kerajaan di Gua Musang. Majlis ini dimulai dengan persembahan koir oleh KESEDAR, KEMAS dan PERKEP dan dikuti dengan persembahan kebudayaan kaum Tionghua. Diantara upacara tersebut, pertunjukan bunga api telah disaksikan dihadapan pengunjung yang ramai, yang tidak berganjak walaupun keadaan Dataran yang basah setelah hujan yang lebat.
Majlis diikuti dengan penyerahan jalur gemilang oleh pemuda - pemuda parti - parti politik termasuk UMNO, PAS dan KeAdilan yang diketuai oleh Sdr Bazlan Kamarudin selaku Ketua Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang.
Sebelum ucapan diberikan oleh YBM Tengku Razaleigh selaku Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, ucapan telah diberikan oleh Pengurus Besar KESEDAR dan Ketua Jajahan Gua Musang.
Antara - antara tetamu kehormat yang hadir ialah ADUN Nenggiri, Galas dan Paloh, OCPD Gua Musang, pengawai - pegawai kerajaan, pemimpin - pemimpin setempat serta wakil - wakil parti komponen Barisan Nasionla peringkat Gua Musang.
Beliau juga menambah pakatan antara kaum ini sangat kukuh walaupun secara individu tiada kekuatan yang dapat mengerunkan pihak penjajah, tetapi pakatan dan persefahaman antara kaum yang begitu hebat untuk mentadbir negara sendiri telah membuat pihak British yakin dengan pakatan tersebut.
Beliau juga menambah beliau berasa amat bertuah untuk rakyat Gua Musang yang menyokongnya dari dahulu lagi dan beliau akan berusaha untuk memastikan pemuda - pemudi Gua Musang akan mendapat peluang pekerjaan dan rakyat secara amnya dapat meningkatkan taraf hidup masing - masing.
Majlis ini dianjurkan oleh pejabat KESEDAR dengan kerjasama pejabat - pejabat agensi kerajaan di Gua Musang. Majlis ini dimulai dengan persembahan koir oleh KESEDAR, KEMAS dan PERKEP dan dikuti dengan persembahan kebudayaan kaum Tionghua. Diantara upacara tersebut, pertunjukan bunga api telah disaksikan dihadapan pengunjung yang ramai, yang tidak berganjak walaupun keadaan Dataran yang basah setelah hujan yang lebat.
Majlis diikuti dengan penyerahan jalur gemilang oleh pemuda - pemuda parti - parti politik termasuk UMNO, PAS dan KeAdilan yang diketuai oleh Sdr Bazlan Kamarudin selaku Ketua Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang.
Sebelum ucapan diberikan oleh YBM Tengku Razaleigh selaku Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, ucapan telah diberikan oleh Pengurus Besar KESEDAR dan Ketua Jajahan Gua Musang.
Antara - antara tetamu kehormat yang hadir ialah ADUN Nenggiri, Galas dan Paloh, OCPD Gua Musang, pengawai - pegawai kerajaan, pemimpin - pemimpin setempat serta wakil - wakil parti komponen Barisan Nasionla peringkat Gua Musang.
Sunday, September 2, 2007
Foto - foto di majlis Solat hajat serta Tahlil sempena Sambutan Kemerdekaan
30 Ogos, Gua Musang - Pilihan foto -foto sempena Majlis Solat Hajat dan Tahlil sempena sambutan Kemerdekaan ke50 peringkat Jajahan Gua musang yamng diketuai oleg Al Fadhil Tuan Qadhi anjuran Ketua Jajahan Gua Musang.
Majlis ini bertempat di Masjid Tengku Muhammad Faiz Petra.
"Pemain tempatan mampu gilap bakat hingga ke peringkat nasional" ujar Tengku Razaleigh
30 Ogos, Gua Musang - Pemuda - pemuda Gua Musang yang mempunyai bakat dan keinginan serta iltizam yang tinggi boleh meningkatkan kebolehan mereka dengan bantuan kemudahan - kemudahan sukan yang sedia ada dan juga kemudahan yang bakal disediakan, iaitu kompleks sukan yang bernilai Rm 3 juta, ujar Tengku Razaleigh ketika merasmikan majlis penutupan Bola sepak Liga Ku Li tahun 2007 bertempat di Padang Pusat Sivik, Gua Musang.
Beliau juga berharap pemuda - pemudi dapat menggunakan peluang yang ada untuk mengilap bakat masing -masing dan beliau yakin sekiranya disemat dengan keazaman serta kesabaran, adalah tidak mustahil untuk melihat pemuda dari Gua Musang menyarung jersi kebangsaan kelak.
Beliau menambah sukan bolasepak negara yang kini berada didalam kegawatan di peringkat antarabangsa tidak lah boleh dijadikan satu alasan untuk pemuda yang meminati bolasepak untuk tidak terus berusaha untuk meningkatkan taraf bolasepak negara.
Program ini yang dianjurkan oleh Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang menyaksikan lebih 20 pasukan senior serta 10 pasukan tadika untuk merebut Piala Liga Ku Li. Pembarisan pasukan - pasukan ini telah diperiksa oleh YBM Tengku diiringi oleh Sdr Bazlan dan YB Mohamad Saufi.
Program ini dimulai degan ucapmula oleh Sdr Bazlan Kamarudin selaku Ketua Pemuda UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang diikuti dengan ucapan oleh YB Mohamad Saufi Deraman, selaku ADUN Galas.
Pemenang Liga Ku Li untuk kategori senior pada tahun ini jatuh kepada pasukan Ciku -1 FC yang terdiri daripada pemain - pemain bolasepak amatur yang merupakan generasi ke2 dan ke 3 peneroka di rancangan Felda Ciku.
Untuk foto - foto tambahan, sila layari ke: http://www.flickr.com/photos/12336187@N06/
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
